- New
- Research Article
- 10.1142/s2377740026500028
- May 2, 2026
- China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies
- Yu Hongyuan
This article examines how the global transition from a fossil-fuel-based energy system to an electricity-centered energy order is reshaping the geopolitical structure of power. It argues that the rise of an electricity-based civilization is not merely an energy transition, but a profound transformation in the material foundations, strategic logic, and institutional forms of global politics. In contrast to the oil age in which geopolitical competition primarily revolved around the control of fuel reserves and transport routes, the electricity age is increasingly defined by competition over critical minerals, high-end power equipment, nuclear energy technology, and grid standards. Focusing on copper and lithium as strategic resources, transformers and nuclear power as key industrial capabilities, and ultra-high-voltage transmission and technical standards as instruments of structural influence, the article analyzes the emerging geography of power in the electricity era. It further compares the strategic choices of China, the United States, and the European Union, showing that China seeks to consolidate full-chain industrial advantages and enhance its rule-shaping capacity, the United States prioritizes hegemonic maintenance through supply-chain restructuring and alliance-based exclusion, and the European Union pursues a balancing strategy centered on energy sovereignty, regulatory influence, and multilateral coordination. The article contends that the geopolitics of electricity is shaped by three principal fault lines—resources, technology, and rules—while also generating new incentives for cooperation under conditions of climate vulnerability and infrastructural interdependence. It concludes that the future global electricity order is likely to evolve toward a pattern of multipolar leadership, regional integration, and pluralistic co-governance, in which technological capability, resource control, and standard-setting authority jointly determine the reconfiguration of global power.
- Research Article
- 10.1142/s2377740025500204
- Dec 24, 2025
- China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies
- Altaf Majeed + 2 more
The Russia–Ukraine war has triggered a renewed surge of nationalism across Europe, both at the national and continental levels. The rise of right-wing populist parties — including Matteo Salvini’s Lega in Italy, France’s National Rally, and Hungary’s Fidesz — is a clear manifestation of this trend. In the wake of the war, Europe is undergoing a visible political shift: Individual states are placing greater emphasis on national sovereignty at the expense of deeper European integration. This shift is most pronounced in Eastern Europe, where countries have begun to invest more heavily in their own defense to safeguard national independence and sovereign decision-making, rather than relying solely on the European Union or NATO for security. At the same time, widespread anxieties over the future — driven by the Russia–Ukraine war, concerns about cultural identity, and high levels of immigration — are fueling nationalist and populist sentiment, heightening the risk of political tensions reminiscent of the early 20th century. This study draws primarily on secondary data to examine these developments. It employs Neorealism and Regional Security Complex Theory as analytical frameworks. Both theories underscore how instability in one part of Europe reverberates across the entire continent’s security architecture — precisely what the Russia-Ukraine war has laid bare.
- Research Article
- 10.1142/s2377740025500198
- Dec 17, 2025
- China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies
- Ivor Altaras Penda
This paper examines India’s geopolitical role in today’s shifting global order through the lens of political realism. Rather than idealistic or normative approaches, it emphasizes the cold-eyed calculus of power, national interest, and security imperatives. India has everything it takes to emerge as a pivotal player in any new hegemonic configuration — provided it preserves its strategic autonomy. It is the world’s most populous nation, has the fifth-largest economy by nominal GDP, possesses a credible nuclear deterrent, and occupies a commanding position along the Indo-Pacific Rimland. This gives it a rare combination of continental (“tellurocratic”) and maritime (“thalassocratic”) advantages. This paper outlines five plausible scenarios for India’s future international positioning: a close strategic partnership with the United States, largely driven by the shared goal of balancing China; a deepening of traditional ties with Russia in support of a multipolar world order; strict adherence to nonalignment or permanent neutrality; a drift toward regional instability, especially in the event of renewed conflict with Pakistan; a genuine strategic alignment with China, which remains undermined by unresolved border disputes and massive trade imbalances. The analysis concludes that India’s ability to shape the emerging global order will ultimately hinge on whether its political leadership can formulate and sustain a coherent, independent, and far-sighted foreign policy — one that prevents the country from being reduced to a mere instrument of existing or aspiring hegemons.
- Research Article
- 10.1142/s2377740025500174
- Dec 5, 2025
- China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies
- Amir Roham Shojaie + 1 more
The war in Ukraine has profoundly transformed Germany’s foreign policy and the broader European security landscape. Many scholars view Russia’s invasion as a historic turning point — Zeitenwende — in German strategic thinking. This study investigates the core pillars and strategic orientations of Germany’s policy toward Iran in the aftermath of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022. It analyzes the principal drivers behind Berlin’s approach and the deeper logic shaping its decisions. Anchored in the framework of defensive realism, the research argues that Germany’s policy toward Iran is influenced by an interplay of micro- and macro-level factors, including the Russia–Ukraine war, the Gaza conflict, domestic unrest within Iran, and Berlin’s perception of Iran as a destabilizing force in regional and global security. While maintaining its traditional commitment to multilateralism, the Scholz administration adopted a more confrontational and balancing posture toward Tehran, reflecting an intensified perception of threat in the post-Ukraine war environment. This shift has continued under Chancellor Friedrich Merz, whose hawkish stance — endorsing Israeli strikes on Iran’s nuclear sites and vowing Tehran “may not possess nuclear weapons” — intensifies the confrontational posture of his predecessor. By integrating defensive realism with threat perception theory, this study offers a comprehensive framework for understanding the evolution of German policy. Employing an analytical–explanatory methodology rooted in the German academic tradition, it draws on extensive library research and a wide range of scholarly and media sources. The study makes a novel contribution by linking defensive realism to Germany’s post-Ukraine war policy toward Iran — an area that has received remarkably little scholarly attention to date.
- Research Article
- 10.1142/s2377740025500186
- Nov 29, 2025
- China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies
- Saadia Gouasmia
This study contends that Algeria has emerged as China’s pivotal partner in North Africa, functioning as a strategic bridge linking Africa, the Mediterranean, and Europe within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Integrating Strategic Partnership Theory (SPT) with Neoclassical Realism (NCR), it analyzes how global systemic pressures and domestic political dynamics have shaped the evolution of the Sino–Algerian Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (CSP) between 2000 and 2025. Drawing on official statements, trade statistics, and policy documentation, the paper demonstrates that Algeria’s sovereignty-driven diplomacy and China’s pragmatic developmentalism have generated a form of negotiated interdependence that departs from conventional dependency models in the Global South. The findings reveal that Algeria’s pursuit of strategic autonomy enables it to exert influence over China’s regional positioning, transforming the relationship into a prototype for equitable and multipolar cooperation in the Maghreb.
- Research Article
- 10.1142/s2377740025500150
- Nov 12, 2025
- China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies
- Biyon Sony Joseph
For seven decades, Asia’s security order has been anchored by U.S. primacy and its network of alliances that provided deterrence and stability. The rise of China, however, has transformed regional dynamics, generating competing visions of how security should be organized. At the center of this contest lies the Indo-Pacific framework, promoted by the United States and its partners as both a strategic narrative and an institutional project. China rejects this framing and instead advances alternative concepts, most notably the New Asian Security Concept (NASC) and the global security initiative (GSI), which emphasize sovereignty, inclusivity, and development-led stability. Drawing on Barry Buzan’s regional security complex (RSC) theory, this paper examines how China uses discursive power and institutional innovation to challenge the existing order and reshape the terms of regional interdependence. It analyses the evolving Indo-Pacific security architecture, explores Chinese perceptions of the concept, and assesses Beijing’s attempts to redefine norms and institutions. The findings suggest that while China’s strategies reflect a significant ideational and structural ambition, they remain constrained by credibility deficits, regional skepticism, and competing order-building projects. The result is a fragmented and contested security landscape in which multiple actors and visions coexist, revealing that order transformation is less a linear power transition and more a negotiated, hybrid process shaped by the interplay of great power competition and regional agency.
- Research Article
- 10.1142/s2377740025500071
- Aug 8, 2025
- China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies
- Abraham Ename Minko
This study examines the complex challenges facing humanitarian efforts in Africa and underscores the critical role of humanitarian diplomacy in addressing them. It investigates key obstacles — including armed conflict, natural disasters, political instability, and socioeconomic vulnerabilities — that hinder the effectiveness of humanitarian interventions. The research highlights how humanitarian diplomacy, through negotiation, advocacy, and dialogue, can improve the coordination and delivery of aid. Drawing on case studies from South Sudan, the Central African Republic (CAR), and Mozambique, the study illustrates practical responses and offers recommended strategies. These examples provide insights into enhancing the efficiency and sustainability of humanitarian operations. The significance of this topic lies in its potential to inform future-oriented strategies, strengthen resilience, and foster more effective partnerships. Ultimately, this research offers valuable guidance for policymakers and practitioners striving to implement coordinated, impactful humanitarian responses across Africa.
- Research Article
3
- 10.1142/s237774002550006x
- Jan 1, 2025
- China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies
- Le Hoang Kiet + 2 more
This research examines the manifestation and implications of Sino-Indian strategic competition in Vietnam from 1991 to 2024, analyzing how Vietnam navigates and balances these competing influences while maintaining its strategic autonomy. Through qualitative methods including document analysis, historical review, and comparative analysis, the authors apply Evelyn Goh’s theoretical framework of “omni-enmeshment, equilibrium influence, and hierarchical order” to understand Vietnam’s strategic responses. The findings reveal that Vietnam’s geostrategic position, particularly its control over critical maritime routes and hydrocarbon resources, has made it a crucial theater of great power competition. China’s strategy combines economic leverage through trade dependencies and digital market penetration with assertive military posturing in the South China Sea. Conversely, India’s approach emphasizes economic, defense cooperation, and maritime security partnerships within its Act East policy framework. Vietnam’s response demonstrates sophisticated diplomatic acumen through a three-dimensional strategy: (a) Implementing omni-enmeshment through diverse partnerships; (b) Maintaining equilibrium influence via its “four no’s” doctrine; and (c) Managing hierarchical order through ASEAN centrality. This research contributes to our understanding of middle power diplomacy by demonstrating how smaller nations can effectively navigate great power competition through sophisticated diplomatic strategies rather than simple alignment choices.
- Research Article
- 10.1142/s2377740025500058
- Jan 1, 2025
- China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies
- Endalcachew Bayeh + 1 more
This study examines the historical development of Ethiopia–China relations in the context of the Horn of Africa, with a particular emphasis on the geopolitical factors that have shaped these interactions. Using a qualitative research approach, the paper relies on secondary sources to gather relevant data. It finds that Ethiopia–China relations were largely shaped by geopolitical considerations within the broader context of Cold War politics. Despite ideological differences, China engaged with imperial Ethiopia on strategic issues, both with and without formal diplomatic missions, due to Ethiopia’s importance as Africa’s diplomatic hub, a symbol of African independence, and its growing clout in international affairs. As the Soviet Union’s influence expanded and became China’s primary security concern, Beijing shifted from a largely ideological to a more geopolitical foreign policy. This change improved its relations with the West and strengthened ties with Ethiopia to contain Soviet influence and expansion. However, as Ethiopia-Soviet Union relations deepened, China’s relationship with the Derg regime deteriorated in 1977–1983, despite their ideological similarity. This breakdown, along with China’s alignment with the West and Somalia to counter Soviet prominence in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa, further illustrates the geopolitical forces driving Ethiopia–China relations. China’s friction with the United States and rapprochement with the Soviet Union, combined with the Soviet Union’s waning support for the Derg regime amid growing insurgencies, ultimately revitalized Ethiopia–China relations, which continue to flourish today.
- Research Article
2
- 10.1142/s2377740025500149
- Jan 1, 2025
- China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies
- Muhammad Imran Chaudhry
The global order is experiencing a profound transformation as the post-Cold War unipolar moment gives way to a contested multipolarity. In this transition, China has emerged as a central player, advancing a suite of global governance frameworks — Global Development Initiative, Global Security Initiative, and Global Civilization Initiative — while simultaneously deepening its involvement in multilateral institutions and regional organizations. Beijing’s initiatives are not merely reactive to Western dominance but represent a proactive attempt to redefine the principles, institutions, and narratives of international order. This paper highlights the strategic nature of this vision, its mixed reception across regions and significant contradictions that question its long-term viability. By examining China’s role as a norm entrepreneur, institutional reformer, and strategic partner, the paper concludes that China is a principal shaper in a new, pluralistic world order, and its actions will profoundly influence the trajectory of international relations for decades to come.