摘要 本文考察上古之部開口字在閩語裏的讀音，幷嘗試解决原始閩語中相關讀音的構擬問題。首先，本文分析了上古之部在閩北語跟沿海閩語中的表現，認爲閩語的讀音反映的是之咍兩韵讀音相同的上古之部讀音，閩北語與沿海閩語的差异是內部不同聲母條件下的韵母分化演變的結果。其次，在此基礎上重新討論了原始閩語相關韵母的構擬。最後，本文也分析了處衢吳語裏的情况，幷指出它跟沿海閩語表現的一致性。本文的結論也再次挑戰了學術界流行的“吳閩語都是南朝吳語後代”的假說，閩語的內部分化比預想的要更早，形成過程也更複雜。

Abstract This study explores the counterfactual conditional of regret (CCR) in Cantonese, a construction marked by 早知(道) zou2zi1(dou3) ‘[lit. early know]’ and expressing regret over a remedy that could have been undertaken in the past. First, 早知(道) zou2zi1(dou3) is argued to be grammaticalizing from a verb to subordinator, with the shorter form 早知 zou2zi1 more commonly used as a CCR marker. Second, the properties of 早知(道) zou2zi1(dou3), its complement and the apodosis are discussed. Third, CCR s with non-canonical structures are explored. Finally, some implications for the status of counterfactuals in Chinese and hypothesized relativity effects are discussed.

Abstract Linguists generally believe the Old Chinese sound change *-ps > *-ts occurred early enough to affect rhyming in the Book of Odes during the Zhou Dynasty. However, some scholars argue rhyme patterns in the Odes alone do not confirm this change occurred in the Western Zhou, suggesting it occurred by the Warring States (Zhāng 2021[2019b]). This paper refutes Zhāng’s hypothesis and presents evidence from excavated Shang and Western Zhou documents, supporting an earlier date for this change. This evidence includes the words 介1 MC keajH ‘armor’, 介2 MC keajH ‘single’, and the xiéshēng series built on 眔.

Abstract This study provides the first comprehensive analysis of the languages formerly spoken by the Luren in Southwest China. During the 20th century, the speakers underwent language shift to Southwestern Mandarin and were subsequently misclassified as Manchus. The analysis of the available linguistic data in the form of six word lists reveals that the Luren formerly spoke two different languages. Neither of the languages has any connection to Manchu. Instead, one of them is shown to be related to the neighboring “Ta-Li” languages Longjia and Caijia that probably belong to the Sinitic branch of Trans-Himalayan (or Sino-Tibetan). The other language for the moment is not demonstrably related to any surrounding languages and could form a previously unknown stock of its own. If confirmed, this would be the first language isolate ever discovered in Guizhou. Both languages could therefore play a crucial role in our understanding of the linguistic evolution of East Asia.

Abstract This study investigates the diachronic development of the Thai morpheme /tɛ̀ː/ from an ablative marker to an adversative conjunction. Using the Comparative Method and Invited Inferencing Theory of Semantic Change, we analyze textual data from the 14th–19th centuries. Our findings suggest /tɛ̀ː/ originated as an ablative marker and reveal a two-step change from an ablative preposition to an exclusive particle (14th–16th centuries), then to an adversative conjunction (17th–19th centuries). /tɛ̀ː/ acquired an exclusive meaning when emphasizing countable items within a large set, later developing an adversative function through contrastive uses.

Abstract Khamnigan is a poorly documented and endangered Mongolic language. This study examines basic word lists from eight Khamnigan communities in China, Mongolia and Russia, revealing strong lexical similarities indicative of dialectal variation within a single language. Specific affinities were found between certain pairs of communities, with the China variety closely related to Tarbaljei and Mogoitui (in Russia), the Mongolian Bayan-Uul variety to Dadal (in Mongolia) and Tarbaljei (in Russia), and the Tarbaljei variety to Mogoitui (in Russia). Lexical analysis places Khamnigan in the Northern Mongolic subgroup, with a division into the Buriad-Khamnigan and Mongol-Oirat-Ordos-Barga clusters. Geographical patterns suggest later influences on idiom development, with common lexical innovations linking Khamnigan varieties to neighboring languages: East Buriad, Khalkha, and Old and New Barga.

Abstract The present article reconstructs the set of preinitial consonants present in Proto-Horpa, the source of contemporary Horpa lects spoken in Sichuan, China. Horpa is a West Gyalrongic subgroup of lects known for its conservative phonology, which is among other things reflected in complex syllable initial consonant clusters. The study establishes nine proto-preinitials (*n-, *m-, *v-, *s-, *z-, *ɣ-, *ʁ-, *l-, *r-) and demonstrates that they have been mostly retained in the analyzed Horpa lects, despite various degrees of lenition and mergers that have occurred across the lects. The ‘Geshizoid’ lects of Central Horpa and the Jiaju-Bawang varieties of Eastern Horpa manifest a shared development in the weakening of the proto-preinitial *ɣ- into w-. On the other hand, both Mazi Stau of Central Horpa and Zhangda Stau of Northwestern Horpa have undergone a merger of the liquid preinitials *l- and *r-, a conditioned sound change not attested in the other investigated Horpa branches. Finally, following the recent hypothesis of Tangut as a Horpa language, the study makes use of the proximity between Tangut and Horpa to reconstruct the Pre-Tangut preinitial system and addresses preinitial development in Tangut, tracking down some of the sound changes that are responsible for rhyme distribution in the language.

Abstract In the past, linguists such as Shafer (1955), Bradley (1997) and Noonan (2008) repeatedly assigned the Tshangla branch of the Trans-Himalayan language family a position close to Tibetan. However, no empirical evidence for this subgrouping has been brought forth, let alone shared innovations. Based on empirical data and the application of neogrammarian principles, this paper provides a reevaluation of the phylogenetic position of Tshangla. First, it is shown that Tshangla does not share the diagnostic innovations of Bodish sensu Hill (2019), i.e. Tibetan and East Bodish. Second, some first phonological, morphological and lexical innovations that define Tshangla as a subgroup of Trans-Himalayan are presented and the non-participation of Bodish in those is demonstrated. Finally, potential cognates for certain innovative features of Tshangla in other branches of Trans-Himalayan are discussed.

Abstract Many of the South-Central (“Kuki-Chin”) Trans-Himalayan languages differentiate between an inclusive and an exclusive first person group category. The first person singular and the exclusive tend to be based on the same form, and are very uniform across the branch, while the inclusive shows a lot of variation in form. In this paper we try to systematically look at the inclusive forms and categorize the variation that exists. The paper is based on a sample of 40 languages from all six subgroups of South-Central. We look at both the preverbal and postverbal person indexation paradigms, as well as the free pronouns.