Abstract Archaeoastronomical studies accomplished in recent decades have revealed that the important civic and ceremonial buildings in the Maya area and elsewhere in Mesoamerica were oriented on astronomical grounds. The dates recorded by solar orientations, which prevail, and the intervening intervals composed easily manageable observational calendars that facilitated the planning of agricultural and related ceremonial activities in the yearly cycle. Here we argue that the orientations of several major buildings we measured at the archaeological site of El Palmar, Campeche, Mexico, either in the field or on visualizations of the lidar-derived relief model, reflect the same principles because they belong to widespread solar alignment groups previously identified in the Maya Lowlands. We also present ethnographic and ethnohistorical evidence that supports our interpretations. In addition, our results show that the orientations of more than a hundred minor structures in a broader area of El Palmar conform to those of major buildings, indicating that even less important structures reproduced, although approximately, the astronomically functional alignments. Along with several other Mesoamerican sites and areas where such emulations have been observed, the case of El Palmar demonstrates that the astronomically and cosmologically significant directions materialized in the built environment allow us to understand some prominent aspects of pre-Hispanic cultural landscapes.

Abstract We present new line drawings of the hieroglyphic inscriptions on Stela 4 ( a.d. 796) at the ancient Maya royal capital of Ixkun, Guatemala. Lichen growth makes these texts almost illegible in person, but a photogrammetric model, rendered monochrome in Agisoft Metashape and imaged in Blender 3D, permits almost all the glyphs to be read or reconstructed. According to our interpretation, the main inscription records the journey of a prince of Ixkun to be fostered at Tikal, coordinated between the ruler of Ixkun and Yax Nuun Ahiin II, the king of Tikal. We think this arrangement cemented a new alliance between Tikal and Ixkun, in exchange for which the Ixkun king received a newly elevated royal and ritual status. Another text indicates that a prisoner from the neighboring Ho’kab’ kingdom, represented six years earlier on Stela 1, had survived in captivity for at least that long.

Abstract It has often been considered that the representations of the gods in Ancient Central Mexico were purely symbolic and that we should not look for the presence of glottograms, i.e. signs that encode linguistic units pronounced in the Nahuatl language. This article intends to demonstrate that we should reject the image/writing dichotomy in this context. In order to understand the identity of the Nahua gods, it is necessary to combine symbolic deciphering with a reading of the names embedded in their bodies and ornaments. This article takes the example of several representations of gods in codices of the Aztec tradition. It shows that this embedded script used the main scriptural techniques known in Nahuatl writing: logograms, phonograms, and indicators. In this way, the identity of the god, and therefore its ritual effectiveness, was expressed simultaneously visually and phonically.

Abstract After more than three decades of research by archaeologist Phil Weigand, the pre-Hispanic west of Mexico is now renowned for the presence of the Teuchitlán tradition, characterized by concentric circular pyramids associated with the shaft-tombs tradition. Shaft tombs are characterized by vertical shafts and horizontal chambers. This makes them potential targets for geophysical exploration. This research reviewed what had been written so far about the Teuchitlán tradition, and, considering that shaft tombs are an important element of that tradition, employed electrical resistivity tomography (ERT) to investigate these subterranean structures at the Los Guachimontones and Santa Quiteria archaeological sites. The ERT data were forward modeled and inverted. Forward modeling was carried out to enhance the understanding of these archaeological structures in real contexts. The modeled the tombs imitated the typical boot and bottle designs found in western Mexico, and they demonstrated high resistivity values. ERT data from Los Guachimontones successfully identified resistivity anomalies associated with the tombs, supported by forward-modeling results. However, at Santa Quiteria, while clear subsurface disturbances were detected, conclusive evidence of intact shaft tombs remained elusive. These findings underscore the potential of ERT for detecting shaft tombs but also highlight the challenges posed by complex geological conditions and potential site disturbance.

Abstract Isotopes of strontium, oxygen, and carbon were analyzed in human tooth enamel from two Postclassic sites in the central Peten lakes region, Guatemala, to examine patterns of mobility and diet during a time of social unrest. Excavations at both sites, Ixlu and Zacpeten, have revealed evidence for purposeful dismemberment and interment of individuals. This study examines a possible shrine surrounded by rows of skulls at Ixlu, and a mass grave of comingled individuals interred at Zacpeten. The interments coincide with a period of conflict and warfare between two dominant polities, Itza and Kowoj. The 14 sampled individuals at Ixlu were young males, six of whom isotopically match the Maya Mountains of central Belize/southeastern Peten. At Zacpeten, isotopic signatures of adults and children (n = 68) suggested that many were either local or came from other parts of the Maya lowlands, but not the Maya Mountains. In the Late Postclassic, the Zacpeten individuals were exhumed, defiled, and deposited in a mass grave, probably by Kowojs. Although temporally and geographically related, the Ixlu and Zacpeten burials represent two distinct cases of ritual violence that reflect the tumultuous political landscape of the Postclassic period.

Resumen Tras revisar los datos arqueotanatológicos registrados desde el siglo diecinueve y realizar el análisis bioantropológico de todos los componentes esqueléticos humanos correspondientes, exponemos por primera vez un análisis integral del patrón mortuorio de Palenque-Lakamha’, cuya monumentalización data del Clásico Maya. Describimos la amplia distribución de sepulturas en los diferentes sectores del asentamiento, el elevado número de edificios dedicados a las prácticas funerarias, la preferencia por el uso de cistas, la frecuente colocación de más de un individuo en el mismo espacio sepulcral y la estandarización de la posición extendida en decúbito dorsal, con orientación al norte. Un aspecto sobresaliente es el reingreso a los sepulcros, particularmente en entierros colectivos, depositados en contenedores de piedra, que presentan remoción, desplazamiento o ingreso de muertos y/o artefactos. Además de la identificación de esta secuencia funeraria que explica la desviación del patrón mortuorio, se propone una interpretación basada en datos etnográficos para entender la interacción entre vivos y muertos. La distribución de los sepulcros, la prominencia de la actividad post-inhumación y los datos iconográficos y epigráficos sugieren que Palenque-Lakamha’ pudo haber sido un lugar vinculado al pasaje liminal hacia el inframundo, donde la frecuente interacción con los muertos y el importante número de mausoleos permitía entablar diálogos con el sagrado y, por ende, renovar los ciclos cósmicos.

Abstract This article examines the measurement systems used in the built environment of Xochicalco, a significant Epiclassic archaeological site located in Central Mexico. Through careful analysis of the dimensions of the various structures, we identified two primary measurement units: U7 (1.47 m) and U8 (1.68 m). These units exhibit similarities to the Mayan zapal and Nahua maitl, which have been previously documented across diverse temporal contexts and other regions within Mesoamerica. The investigation revealed patterns in the application of these units related to orientation, functionality, and construction methods, indicating meticulous planning and potential symbolic importance. The frequent use of measurements that are multiples of three, four, nine, and twelve times the base units suggests the utilization of standardized measuring instruments. This study enhances our understanding of Mesoamerican measurement practices, particularly at Xochicalco, and provides insights into cultural interactions and construction traditions during the Epiclassic period.

Abstract Maya Blue is a unique hybrid pigment created by combining organic indigo with the inorganic clay mineral palygorskite. First used for architectonic decoration in the Terminal Preclassic, it became widespread in the Late Classic on figurines, murals, and elite ceramics. Unlike indigo, it is notable for its durability and resistance to degradation by acids, alkalines, organic solvents and fading. The authors analyzed 17 samples of Maya Blue on pottery from the Late-Terminal Classic periods, a.d. 680–860, from Buenavista del Cayo, Belize. Using laser ablation inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry (LA-ICP-MS), it was determined that the palygorskite in these samples likely came from Sacalum, Yucatan, some 375 km away. The authors suggest several routes by which palygorskite might have been transported from Yucatán to Buenavista. The pigment or knowledge of how to produce it likely was conveyed through high-status exchanges rather than commercial trade. Maya Blue held significant cultural and religious importance. It symbolized water and rain and was associated with the god Chaahk. Maya Blue appeared initially at Buenavista on architecture and rare imported ceramics but its use gradually increased on locally produced Belize Valley wares. Use at Buenavista peaked in the early 9th century before disappearing around a.d. 860. The study demonstrates the potential of trace element analysis in identifying long-distance social interactions in ancient Mesoamerica.

Abstract Greenstone is commonly used to produce culturally significant items across Mesoamerica, including axes, earspools, figurines, and beads. This research characterizes the mineralogy of greenstone materials recovered from sites in the Jovel Valley, Chiapas, Mexico, to document the range of green minerals utilized by the inhabitants. Our analysis of the objects suggests that the Late Classic and Early Postclassic Maya of the Jovel Valley had access to a variety of greenstone minerals, including serpentinites, green micas, grossular, and jadeite. X-ray diffraction and X-ray fluorescence spectrometry characterization of reference materials suggests procurement of greenstone resources from the well-documented sources of the Motagua–Polochic Fault Zone, and also potentially from sources in the Chalchihuitán–Chenalhó area of Chiapas, Mexico. The Jovel Valley had access to materials over long distances through historically documented trade routes that allowed the movement of greenstone materials west from the Motagua River Valley into highland Chiapas or south from the Chalchihuitán–Chenalhó area.

Abstract The central Maya lowlands (CML) display an uncommon demographic history—the absence of a millennial population rebound from its former occupational peak, about 800 CE. Here we postulate why the loss of a well-populated CML during the Late Classic-Terminal Classic periods failed to regain substantial occupation during the subsequent 700-800 years before the Spanish conquest of the Maya realm. Updating the narrative of stressful human-environmental conditions, shifts in trade routes, and long-term paucity of occupation in the CML, we examine push-pull factors that affected Postclassic Maya population geography. These factors include population pressures, environmental hazards, resource conditions, and livelihood standards that existed in the Postclassic Period between northern and coastal lowlands and the CML. The advantages that the CML maintained before Postclassic times, foremost regaining superior environmental conditions for agriculture, were insufficient pull factors given the low levels of push factors in the northern and coastal lowlands. We draw attention to the under-treated problem—the failure of a population rebound in the CML—and encourage improvements in systematic data and analytics to address it, including consideration of non-material, socio-cultural factors.