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ABSTRACT Medicaid for Pregnant Women is an important safety net program that covers nearly half of all births in Texas, the second most populous state in the United States. This article explores the bureaucratic mechanisms of exclusion from coverage under Medicaid for Pregnant Women for Latinas in the Texas–Mexico border region. It gives particular attention to exclusion during the COVID‐19 public health emergency, when federal policy prevented states from disenrolling Medicaid recipients. Ethnographic work conducted during the first 2 years of the pandemic shows how bureaucratic procedures tied to using publicly funded programs may undermine the potential for these programs to remedy social inequities. The bureaucratic exclusion that may result constitutes reproductive violence, given that the inaccessibility of health services can contribute to adverse reproductive health outcomes and undermine a person's ability to manage their reproductive lives with dignity. While the focus is on Medicaid policies, this analysis is relevant for understanding how bureaucracy has the potential to wield power in ways that perpetuate various manifestations of violence within society.

ABSTRACTWe explore the possibilities for an archaeology that is relevant to, and empowering of, Indigenous futures by reflecting on four seasons of archaeological fieldwork, our encounters with Lˈnu (or Miˈkmaw) material culture, our experiences returning to ancestral Lˈnu places, and our engagements with sociocultural and archaeological anthropologists and Indigenous studies scholars who have been debating the merits of community‐based collaborative research projects for the past three decades. Drawing on Linda Tuhiwai Smith's definition of decolonization, we suggest that a not‐quite‐here future Lˈnucentric archaeology in Miˈkmaˈki would not seek to imitate Western archaeological conventions, but change them. Our efforts to change archaeology have included expanding the scope of what counts as relevant archaeological data. We record both empirical observations related to artifacts, features, and stratigraphy, and also moments when our work has provided opportunities for our Lˈnu coauthors to meet their ancestors.

ABSTRACTBeads are a medium through which settlers and Indigenous peoples of North America shape the future. Here, we apply the analytic of futurity to examine two case studies of bead making and bead working across archaeology and cultural anthropology. Johnson examines The Mint at Pascack, a fictionalized account of the Campbell Wampum Factory. The Campbell Factory was a Euro‐American‐owned workshop in New Jersey that produced shell beads for export to Indigenous consumers throughout the 19th century. The Mint shows how settler futurity replaces histories of Indigenous dispossession and appropriation with futures of civilizational supremacy and Native elimination. Eddy considers the Native Baby Yoda phenomenon and adjacent uses of Disney to show how Indigenous beaders use popular media to claim space in new art movements. Beaders engage with long‐term intergenerational futures while also contesting settler futurity through rupture, play, and reinvention. We argue that both Indigenous and settler futurities are made and contested through a creative combination of storytelling and transformations of material culture centered on youth. Where settler and Indigenous futurities collide, we observe the affect of settler bafflement, or the confused, sometimes humorous experience of being forced to recognize Indigeneity in ways that interrupt settler expectations and temporalities.

ABSTRACTFita tanning entails the application of thin strips of electrical tape to create an individualized bikini that will give women “a marquinha perfeita” (perfect little tan lines)—lines that are sharp, straight, and delightfully symmetrical. In Brazil, a country hyperfocused on color and racial mixture, tanning shows how low‐income non‐white women layer racial ideologies onto their bodies and into their aesthetic practices. We argue that tanners in Rio de Janeiro shake up ideas that racial identity can be linked to skin color and locatable on the body's surface. They also play with a national reputation, most famously/notoriously theorized by Gilberto Freyre, that to be Brazilian is to embody race mixture and brownness. Tanners reject an extreme or racially “pure” whiteness, but they also lean into racial beliefs about hypersexualized non‐white bodies. Finally, tanners engage with very old ideas about race and climate that suggest fundamental differences between the civilized industriousness associated with whiteness and the supposed sloth and lascivious nature of those who live in the tropics. Through the meticulous care, bodily alteration, and self‐improvement prominently displayed on their skin, non‐white Brazilian tanners stake their own claims to racial respectability and discipline.