Abstract This paper investigates the role of structural priming in cross-linguistic influence, a well-established yet poorly understood characteristic of bilingual language development. More specifically, we test the proposal that cross-linguistic influence may be conceptualized as between-language priming, that is, as the result of prior linguistic exposure (Serratrice, 2016) and shared syntactic representations between languages (Hartsuiker et al., 2004). In Experiment 1, we primed bilingual English-Dutch children between languages using possessive structures (e.g., the astronaut’s dog, the dog of the astronaut). In Experiment 2, we compared the same group of children with bilingual Spanish-Dutch and monolingual Dutch children using within-language priming. Within-language priming was stronger than between-language priming. In both experiments, we examined the relation between priming behaviour and individual differences in language exposure, use and proficiency. Experiment 1 found between-language priming with long-lasting effects modulated by proficiency. The results of Experiment 2 were consistent with inverse priming effects in within-language priming modulated – to a degree – by properties of the bilingual children’s other language. Taken together, these findings are consistent with the proposal that between-language priming is a plausible mechanism underpinning cross-linguistic influence and that bilingual children develop shared syntactic representations for structures which are similar across their two languages.

Abstract Individual variation in heritage language (HL) outcomes does not seem to be random. Instead, this variation can be related to the specific exposure and use patterns heritage speakers (HSs) have with their languages in the contexts they reside. In this study, we present data from 38 child HSs of Persian in English dominant contexts (in New Zealand and the UK), their mothers as well as a control group of age-matched monolinguals in Iran. All participants completed a film-retelling task from which their lexical sophistication (LS) and clausal density (CD) were measured. In addition, the HSs’ mothers completed a sociolinguistic questionnaire for their children which was used to calculate proxies for language experiences. Out of the two linguistic measures, the HSs differed from monolinguals only in LS scores. Regarding the relationship between HSs’ linguistic scores and language experiences, Random Forest analyses showed HL literacy to be the most important variable for the CD scores; while it was the HSs’ age-at-testing for LS. The mothers’ scores were only important for the HSs’ LS scores. This study contributes to the ongoing discussions on the nature of HL development, outcomes and individual variation.

Abstract This study investigates the role of lexical vs structural similarity in L3 acquisition. We designed a mini-artificial language learning task where the novel L3 was lexically based on Norwegian but included a property that was present in Russian and Greek yet absent in Norwegian (grammatical case). The participants were Norwegian-Russian and Norwegian-Greek bilinguals as well as a group of Norwegian L1 speakers. All participants also knew some English. The morphological expression of the L3 target property was more like Russian than Greek in that case was marked on the noun itself, not on articles. The results of our study indicate that previous experience with a language that is structurally like the L3 (Russian) is facilitative, even when the L3 lexically resembles a language that lacks this grammatical property (Norwegian). Our results suggest overt that the morphological expression of the target property also plays a role: previous experience with Greek that marks the target contrast on determiners did not seem to be facilitative at early stages of acquisition. Overall, our results are in line with models of L3/Ln acquisition which assume that both previously acquired languages influence the development of the L3 and that structural, morphological and lexical similarity play a role.

Abstract We investigated linguistic knowledge of subjunctive mood in heritage speakers of Spanish who live in a long-standing English-Spanish bilingual community in Albuquerque, New Mexico. Three experiments examine the constraints on subjunctive selection. Experiment 1 and Experiment 2 employed pupillometry to investigate heritage speakers’ online sensitivity to the presence of the subjunctive with non-variable governors (Lexical conditioning) and with negated governors (Structural conditioning). Experiment 3 employed an elicited production task to examine production of subjunctive in the same contexts. The findings of the heritage group were compared to those of a group of Spanish-dominant Mexican bilinguals. Results showed that in comprehension and production, heritage speakers were as sensitive as the Spanish-dominant bilinguals to the lexical and structural factors that condition mood selection. In comprehension, the two groups experienced an increased pupillary dilation in conditions where the indicative was used but the subjunctive was expected. In addition, high-frequency governors and irregular subordinate verbs boosted participants’ sensitivity to the presence of the subjunctive. In production, there were no significant differences between heritage speakers and Spanish-dominant bilinguals when producing the subjunctive with non-variable and negated governors.

Abstract Much of the formal linguistic research on third language (L3) acquisition has focused on transfer source selection, with the overall finding that (global) structural similarity between the L1/L2 and L3 is the strongest predictor of initial transfer patterns. Recently, Cabrelli and Pichan (2021) reported data from the production of underlyingly intervocalic voiced stops in L3 Brazilian Portuguese (BP) and L3 Italian that highlight the notion that global similarity is likely moderated by other factors. Specifically, data from heritage Spanish/English bilinguals learning L3 BP reflected reliance on (non-facilitative, but globally more similar) Spanish, while L3 Italian data reflected greater reliance on (facilitative, but globally less similar) English. The current study is a first step towards identifying the source(s) of the disparity, in which we examine the roles of degree of dominance and explicit knowledge in heritage Spanish/English bilinguals. Thirty-four L3 Italian learners completed a delayed repetition task in all three languages. We report English-like patterns that contradict the L3 BP data and cannot be accounted for by degree of dominance or explicit knowledge. We connect these results to existing L3 transfer accounts and the need for further consideration of linguistic and methodological variables, particularly acoustic salience in L3 input and task modality.

Abstract In this paper I argue that cross-linguistic similarity in third language acquisition is determined by a structural hierarchy of contrastive phonological features. Such an approach allows us formalize a predictive notion of I-proximity which also provides an explanatory model of L2, and L3 phonological knowledge (represented in an integrated I-grammar). The metrics of phonological similarity (i.e., structural not acoustic) are analogous to morphosyntactic similarity in that both morphosyntactic and phonological approaches can compare the outcomes of parsing the L3 input by the L1 hierarchy and by the L2 hierarchy. From this starting point I propose a conservative, incremental learning theory to guide subsequent reconstruction of the L3 grammar. Under this model, it can be argued that phonology is part of Faculty of Language Narrow (FLN). The (gradient) phonetic material comes from outside the FLN but the linguistic computational system converts it to discrete abstract elements that can be manipulated by the learner.

Abstract We investigated the effect of auditory exposure on the recognition of full (i.e., canonical) and reduced (i.e., with weakened or deleted sounds) word forms by beginner second language (L2) learners. We taught three participant groups the same French schwa words. One group was trained only on the full (i.e., with schwa) forms, one group on the reduced forms (i.e., without schwa) only, and one group on both the full and reduced forms of each word. We then tested participants’ recognition of both forms in an auditory lexical decision task. We found that participants’ accuracy for a form was proportional to the exposure they received at training for that form. Both participants’ groups trained on one form recognized the untrained form in about a third of the trials. We conclude that exposure is a crucial factor in learning L2 reduced forms and that listeners use both retrieval from storage and goodness of fit (including reconstruction) mechanisms, in the same way for full as for reduced forms.

Abstract This study builds on Flege et al. (2006) and evaluated the influence of chronological age and length of residence in North America on degree of foreign accent in first language (L1) Korean by Korean adults and children in immigrant settings. The adult (A4/6) and child (C4/6) immigrants lived in the host countries for 4 or 6 years, respectively. Their Korean utterances were compared to those of age-matched controls in Seoul, Korea. The purpose was to examine the cross-linguistic influence of English on the degree of foreign accent in L1 Korean by the immigrants. Eighteen native-speaking judges rated four Korean utterances for overall degree of perceived foreign accent. Both adult and child immigrants were more strongly foreign accented than the controls. However, (1) stability of L1 Korean was greater (less foreign-accented) for the adult than child immigrants; and (2) there was no significant difference between the A4 and A6, and C4 and C6 groups. This suggests that by the time the Korean immigrants lived in North America for four years, they have diverged audibly from the predominantly monolingual speakers in Seoul. The results have implications for L1 maintenance/attrition and plasticity in spoken language processing.

Abstract The study investigates the acquisition of telicity in L2 English by L1 Slovak speakers as a function of L2 proficiency (measured by a cloze test score), exposure (operationalized as length of stay in an English-speaking country) and instruction type (monolingual vs. bilingual). Telicity judgments were collected from Slovak learners of L2 English (n = 50) and a control group of American English native speakers (n = 15) in two offline acceptability judgment tasks. Two types of telicity encoding were examined: (1) the contribution of the [±quantized] feature of the object argument to predicate telicity, which involves processes in narrow syntax; and (2) the contribution of adverbial modifiers to telicity interpretations, including coercion contexts, which involve processes of aspectual reinterpretation. Based on previous research, it was hypothesized that the contribution of the [±quantized] feature of the object argument to predicate telicity, which is a syntactic phenomenon, will be easier to acquire than aspectual coercion by means of adverbial modifiers, which relies on pragmatic cues. The results indicate that the most significant predictor of telicity judgments based on syntactic cues is L2 proficiency, while length of stay affects telicity judgments in predicate categories involving coercion contexts.