Youth, enterprise and precarity: or, what is, and what is wrong with, the ‘gig economy’?

Risk Shifts in the Gig Economy: The Normative Case for an Insurance Scheme against the Effects of Precarious Work*

The 'gig economy' is a relatively recent term coined to describe a range of working arrangements that have previously been denoted as precarious, flexible and contingent. These may include casual workers, temporary agency workers, those on zero-hours contracts and dependent contractors. <br><br>This books seeks to get behind the contemporary buzz surrounding the term and provide some theoretical and empirical analysis of the gig work phenomenon. The book seeks to assess more critically some of the rhetorical claims made about gig work and to provide a balanced appraisal of the ramifications for individuals, employers and the economy and society in general of an increasingly insecure workforce. The regulatory framework, in particular, is examined and is shown to have lagged behind crucial developments in the gig economy, with many labour laws still historically rooted to the notion that a worker has to be an employee to be covered by employment rights. <br><br>The authors show that in many respects there is nothing new about the gig economy and that its growth in recent years was in some sense predictable. Perhaps its real significance, they argue, is its potential as a business model to 'gig-ize' other business operations far beyond relatively low-skilled work. When combined with automation and digitalization, the gig economy presents us with an opportunity to re-evaluate our understanding of the nature of work.

With the prospect of significant changes to the legal and regulatory framework around migration, British exit from the EU, coupled with the implementation of the 2016 Trade Union Act, is set to make the lives of British and immigrant workers even more precarious. It is a commonly held belief that the proliferation of the so-called 'gig economy' and otherwise precarious work is rendering labour organising historically redundant. Migrant workers, now threatened not just with unemployment, poor working conditions and low pay, but also rising anti-immigrant sentiment and potential deportation, face particularly severe obstacles to workplace organising. Drawing from interviews with five trade unionists, this article will seek to argue that, despite these obstacles, not only is it possible for workers in precarious situations to organise industrially, as we can see from the strikes and campaigns discussed here, but also that in a context of declining union activity and wholesale attacks on migrant and workers' rights, the trade union movement should be looking to these cases for answers. These cases do not, however, represent 'new forms of trade unionism'. Rather, they show us that we should seek to return to some of the oldest and most rudimentary forms of industrial action to combat conservatism in trade union bureaucracies, and to build a politicised, militant and more effective organised rank-and-file. The first of these interviews (II) is with Petros Elia, general secretary of the United Voices of the World union (UVW). UVW primarily organise and represent Latin American and West African migrant workers in service industries. They recently won a campaign for the retention of tips for restaurant workers in Harrods, London, and are at the time of writing (May 2017) organising a cleaners strike at the London School of Economics (LSE) over pay, hours and pensions. The second interview (12) is with Daniel Randall, industrial rep on the London Underground, in the National Union of RMT Workers, and centrally discusses the organisation of London Underground cleaners, chiefly comprising West African and Eastern European workers. The third of these interviews (13) is with Ewa Jasiewicz, who was an organiser for the London Unite Hotel Workers' branch. The branch has been organising campaigns around union recognition, pay and conditions, such as workload. The fourth interview (14) is with Agata Adamowicz, who works at the Ritzy Picturehouse cinema, and is currently on strike with colleagues across the Picturehouse chain for the London Living Wage, sick pay and other demands. The final interview (15) is with Callum Cant, a Deliveroo cyclist in Brighton and union representative with the Independent Workers Union of Great Britain (IWGB). He organised a strike in Brighton, following successful strike action by Deliveroo workers in London. Each of these campaigns has won key demands or made significant gains in recruitment and organisation, as well as garnering considerable attention from the press and general public. They also demonstrate that not only are precarious and migrant workers getting organised, but that they are at the forefront of some of the most exciting industrial disputes today. Living and organising precariously Between 2007 and 2015, British workers saw the largest fall in wages of any Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) country other than Greece, and increasingly, workers in industries who were traditionally more secure, such as education and transport, are seeing the implementation of casual and zero-hour contracts. It is estimated that 3.2 million people in the United Kingdom now work in insecure jobs (TUC 2016a: 3-5). This decline in pay, and erosion of job security and employment rights, has taken place in the context of historically low levels of industrial disputes (ONS 2017). Brexit has led to fears that a number of rights that stem from EU membership are under threat: while in some instances, laws that resulted from EU directives are well accepted, such as anti-discrimination laws, there are others that are likely to come under attack post-Brexit. …

From the public sector to the gig economy

The gig economy's explosive growth has created flexible, platform-based entrepreneurial opportunities that have drastically changed the global employment landscape. The role of gig work in promoting entrepreneurship is examined in this study, "The Gig Economy as a Sustainable Entrepreneurial Pathway – A Study on Zomato Ltd." It focuses on the advantages, difficulties, and long-term sustainability of gig work for workers in India's digital labor market. In order to obtain thorough insights, the study uses a mixed-method research design that combines quantitative and qualitative techniques. A structured questionnaire was used to gather primary data from 50 Zomato delivery partners in major Indian cities. Secondary data came from academic publications, business reports, and policy documents, such as India's Booming Gig and Platform Economy (2022) by NITI Aayog. The association between work flexibility, job satisfaction, and entrepreneurial intention was evaluated using statistical techniques like regression analysis and correlation. The results show that the main factors boosting gig workers' entrepreneurial mindset are flexibility, autonomy, and income potential. But issues like unstable income, no social security, and little opportunity for career advancement still exist. Gig work may be a route to self-employment if it is facilitated by strong institutional and organizational frameworks, according to a positive correlation between job satisfaction and entrepreneurial intent. To ensure sustainable gig entrepreneurship, the study suggests bolstering social protection, welfare, and skill development programs

The term gig economy came in vogue during 2009 financial crisis. It reached its vortex with the outbreak of corona pandemic. Recently several literature, articles and report have projected Gig economy as an effective answer to gigantic problem of unemployment in several countries of the world. This present study on Gig Economy aims to define gig economy, discuss its unique features highlighting the relevance of growth of Gig economy in state of Bihar in creation of employment opportunities and to which extent it is justified. The present study throws light on the differences existing in work culture of gig workers, self-employed workers, organised sector workers and unorganised sector workers. As a generator of large employment opportunities distinctive features of gig economy have been analysed juxtaposed to the problems and hurdles faced by women in Bihar while entering the gig economy. The prime concern today is why this new category of workers emerged known as gig workers. The answer lies in changing needs of the human being, changing environment propounded by corona pandemic and technological advancement. The United States is the largest labour market for gig workers. The digitalisation and outbreak of corona pandemic accelerated the gigification of large economies. The present study uses primary and secondary data to corroborate whether gig economy is capable of creating employment opportunities in Bihar or especially for women. With the above objective in mind the research is based on field work, conducted through survey questionnaire of around 200 respondents in different location from 5 districts of Bihar. The questions were formulated to capture and assess the socio-economic background of respondents, penetration of digital tools and digital awareness. Questions were structured to obtain information regarding monthly income, ownership of mobile phone smartphone or feature phone, access to Internet service, knowledge of operating mobile banking to reach to correct conclusions.The article also suggests few corrective measures to overcome difficulties faced by women in Bihar. To avail benefits of gig economy Bihar needs to work on basic parameters of illiteracy, digital literacy, change in orthodox thinking especially towards women and thus bridging the rural urban gap and at the same time measures should be taken for building financial and credit facilities. Benefit of the new gig economy can only be harnessed when there is change in traditional mindset of Bihar and expansion of internet users in Bihar. Not only number of internet users are lowest in Bihar but there is large digital gender gap too. Gig economy can become a source of increasing livelihood if the working population is digitally literate. In Bihar 76% of population is still engaged in agriculture. However the job creating sectors or opportunities offered by gig economy as discussed require skills that are more suited to urban areas . Job opportunities offered or created by gig economy require that minimum level of literacy which is not suitable foe workforce in Bihar as we know that Bihar has lowest female literacy and Bihar doesn't rank high in male literacy too.A more conscious, streamlined and targeted effort by leaders and population of Bihar can only help women to harness the benefits of gig economy and take women on the path of economic prosperity.

This chapter discusses the way in which the law has had to keep up with changing models of ‘employment’. Even the old ‘employee/self-employed’ division is now complicated by increasing use in modern statutes of the term ‘worker’. Part-time, fixed-term, and agency workers have featured prominently in modern employment law and consideration is given to these specifically, along with even more topical areas of concern such as zero-hours contracts and the challenges of the ‘gig economy’ more generally. Three more technical areas are then considered. The first concerns the ‘section 1 statement’ of basic terms and conditions that has been an obligation on employers since 1963 but is still not always given. The second concerns the difficult question of the extent to which an employer can seek to impose limitations on an employee even after employment ends. The third concerns the whole question of how the terms of an employment contract can lawfully be changed by one or both of the parties to it.

This chapter discusses the way in which the law has had to keep up with changing models of ‘employment’. Even the old ‘employee/self-employed’ division is now complicated by increasing use in modern statutes of the term ‘worker’. Part-time, fixed-term, and agency workers have featured prominently in modern employment law and consideration is given to these specifically, along with even more topical areas of concern such as zero-hour contracts and the challenges of the ‘gig economy’ more generally. Three more technical areas are then considered. The first concerns the ‘section 1 statement’ of basic terms and conditions that has been an obligation on employers since 1963 but is still not always given. The second concerns the difficult question of the extent to which an employer can seek to impose limitations on an employee even after employment ends. The third concerns the whole question of how the terms of an employment contract can lawfully be changed by one or both of the parties to it.

This chapter discusses the way in which the law has had to keep up with changing models of ‘employment’. Even the old ‘employee/self-employed’ division is now complicated by increasing use in modern statutes of the term ‘worker’. Part-time, fixed-term, and agency workers have featured prominently in modern employment law and consideration is given to these specifically, along with even more topical areas of concern such as zero-hour contracts and the challenges of the ‘gig economy’ more generally. Three more technical areas are then considered. The first concerns the ‘section 1 statement’ of basic terms and conditions that has been an obligation on employers since 1963 but is still not always given. The second concerns the difficult question of the extent to which an employer can seek to impose limitations on an employee even after employment ends. The third concerns the whole question of how the terms of an employment contract can lawfully be changed by one or both of the parties to it.

This chapter discusses the way in which the law has had to keep up with changing models of ‘employment’. Even the old ‘employee/self-employed’ division is now complicated by increasing use in modern statutes of the term ‘worker’. Part-time, fixed-term, and agency workers have featured prominently in modern employment law and consideration is given to these specifically, along with even more topical areas of concern such as zero-hours contracts and the challenges of the ‘gig economy’ more generally. Three more technical areas are then considered. The first concerns the ‘section 1 statement’ of basic terms and conditions that has been an obligation on employers since 1963 but is still not always given. The second concerns the difficult question of the extent to which an employer can seek to impose limitations on an employee even after employment ends. The third concerns the whole question of how the terms of an employment contract can lawfully be changed by one or both of the parties to it.

The world of work is changing rapidly, and concerns abound that ‘non-standard’ forms of work are challenging the social and collective dimension of work. In particular, the rapid growth of the ‘gig economy’ has brought these concerns to the forefront of the debate. For trade unions, the growth in non-standard work has long been considered problematic. However, the high degree of individualisation and lack of human contact characterising the gig economy raise profound questions about how trade unions should both organise, and represent, workers in this ‘sector’ at a time when trade union membership is in decline and there is a continuing lack of legislative support for collective bargaining. Much of the debate in the existing literature takes as its point of departure, the ‘standard’ (male) worker, and sees the rise in ‘non-standard’ work and work in the gig economy as a threat to this model. This is despite the fact that trade unions have been challenged by ‘non-standard’ work since their inception: the non-standard arrangements, which have now entered the mainstream, have long been the norm for many women workers. Yet historically, within the labour law and industrial relations literature, women and gender have rarely been the subject of discussion, although this has changed since the 1980s. In addition, much of the British literature examining the novelty of the gig economy has focussed on the scope and ability of labour law to respond to these work arrangements, and there has been less engagement with trade union responses to these ‘new’ forms of work, even though the growth in such work also creates pressure for changes in the institutions that regulate labour markets. Against this background, and in light of this book’s overarching theme, this chapter calls for a new research agenda that considers the challenges of non-standard work, and of work in the gig economy, for trade unions within the context of the ‘feminisation of work’. The geographical focus of this chapter, in this regard, is the UK. The chapter argues that trade unions are struggling to shake off their image as the representatives of white, working-class, and blue-collar men. As a result, many of the successful efforts at organising non-standard workers, including workers in the gig economy, have been undertaken by ‘non-traditional’ trade unions (and other forms of grassroots organisations). This raises the question as to whether ‘traditional’ trade unions are able to effectively respond to the rise of non-standard forms of work, and to the gig economy in particular. It is suggested that part of the difficulty for these trade unions lies in the way in which they prioritise the functions that they adopt within the labour market, and the labour law system; functions which are based on a gendered understanding of the labour market, and which in turn hamper trade union efforts to reach out to an increasingly feminised labour force. The chapter therefore suggests that a conscious conceptual shift should take place, when thinking about the purpose of trade unions, if these organisations are to respond effectively to the feminisation of work.

Over the last few decades, there has been a radical transformation of Australia's labour market and education sector, with intersecting implications for gender and generational inequalities. First, the composition of the labour force has changed. There has been a significant increase in women's participation in paid work, which has been driven by the changing industrial landscape as well a significant expansion of higher education opportunities for women. At the same time, there has been a steady decline in full-time youth employment. Youth unemployment has become a persistent problem for governments since the late 1980s and 1990s and has only worsened since the global financial crisis (Denny and Churchill, 2016). Primary industry and the manufacturing sectors, once reliant upon unskilled labour, in particular young people who left school early, have waned and there has been a countervailing growth in service industries that require professional, skilled workers (Cuervo and Wyn, 2011). Not only has the composition of the labour market changed, so too has its characteristics. New jobs have different conditions to the old ones. The contemporary labour market is increasingly characterised by what Guy Standing (2011) calls precarious work. Precarious work is 'uncertain, unstable, and insecure and in which employees bear the risks of work (as opposed to businesses and government) and receive limited benefits and statutory protections' (Kalleberg, 2018: 1). It is often described as contingent or non-regular work, or referred to as 'alternative work arrangements' or 'flexible staffing arrangements' (Kalleberg, 2018: 12). Examples of precarious work include temporary work; contract work, including independent contractors; part-time work with a desire for more hours; work with irregular hours; casual work; and own-account self-employed workers (Kalleberg, 2018: 12). The growth in precarious work is a result of structural changes which have eroded the standard employment arrangements that emerged in the post-war period (Kalleberg, 2018). These changes have given rise to what is being termed 'the gig economy': a new way of organising economic activity, where workers are not hired on a permanent basis but for shorter or longer term 'gigs'. This reconfigures labour markets and can on the one hand be seen to encourage a new, digital form of entrepreneurship and provide new opportunities for flexible work patterns. However, especially in a flexible, deregulated economy like Australia, it also exposes individuals to greater financial risks and social insecurities which can deepen existing inequalities. Younger generations are arriving in a labour market in which 'work' has increasingly been replaced by 'gigs' and 'tasks', and this kind of highly casualised, non-standard employment is having a spill-over effect on their non-working lives, which are increasingly disrupted by these social changes. This is what we term the gig economy era. In many ways, it is an extension and continuation of the neoliberal forces which have created the 'new precariat' (Standing, 2011), for whom insecure and non-standard employment has become the norm. The introduction to this special issue, 'Gender and Generational Inequalities in the Gig Economy', begins by mapping the context and configurations that have led to this era and its impact upon young men and women, and introduces the articles contained in the issue. It concludes with a discussion of future avenues for research.

The rapid ascent of digital platforms and the gig economy has prompted concerns about the gender pay gap. The results show that in the gig economy, gender continues to be a crucial determinant of workers’ earnings, with women earning 85% of what men earn on a monthly basis. Nevertheless, in comparison to the traditional waged employment during the same period, the gender pay gap in the gig economy has narrowed. While some gig jobs (e.g., ride-hailing services, delivery services, online education) exhibit certain occupational segregation, women in gig economy work are no longer concentrated in low-paying roles, thereby challenging the occupational crowding hypothesis prevalent in traditional employment. In the gig economy, the vast majority of the gender pay gaps arise from factors within occupations, and occupational segregation only has a very limited impact on the earnings gap. Additionally, the gender pay gap among platform gig workers can be mostly explained by observable factors, which implies that compared to traditional employment, the gig economy exhibits a lower level of implicit gender discrimination in China. Finally, we investigate new factors that determine the gender pay gap in the gig economy. Women exhibit a stronger aversion to algorithmic control, a preference for job flexibility, and a tendency toward more isolated and less socially interactive work environments—all of which serve to widen the gender pay gap that might have otherwise narrowed. The results of this research suggest that despite the criticisms surrounding the gig economy, it continues to exert a positive influence on China’s labor market.

The gig economy through short-term flexible employment contracts functions as today's market trend for labor management in present-day labor markets. The study investigates the impact of the gig economy on labor performance by evaluating employment effects and analyzing wages and making future projections regarding workplace models. Digital platforms including Uber and TaskRabbit and Upwork enabled workers to gain work arrangement control by letting them decide their schedule along with choosing work locations. Workers who participate in the gig economy experience dual advantages yet strong drawbacks occur due to their variable compensation and absence of work benefits including health insurance and paid time off and retirement benefits. Despite their initial attractive nature the several characteristics of gig work lead to resulting volatile future labor systems. The research adopts an elementary framework to study labor market evolution driven by the gig economy and its impact on splits between payment types and protection of workers. A combination of qualitative and quantitative research methods enables the research to establish a detailed understanding of the gig economy's operation. Research workers conducted surveys of independent contractors to collect information about their job rewards along with their income fluctuations and job satisfaction. The interview method produced supplementary insights about general worker impacts throughout different fields and corporate policy needs. This paper explained the outcomes of research and current developments in the contemporary gig economy through data obtained from academic literature as well as additional sources. Within the gig economy work model there are split occupational areas where experienced professionals earn flexible lucrative employment but inexperienced workers receive unstable minimum-wage positions. Workers at these establishments receive pay that changes dramatically because their earnings depend heavily on how long they work especially in ridehailing and delivery service roles. Flexible working schedules in the gig economy economy provide no stability to workers since this system blocks their access to critical benefits along with stable employment thereby threatening their future economic success. The power imbalance between employees and their employers develops because digital platforms took ownership of how much workers earn and what workplace rules must be followed. Policymakers need to develop innovative solutions which help solve the problems faced by personnel working in flexible employment. Workers who join flexible employment receive benefits from unconventional scheduling yet need governmental oversight to sustain reasonable pay and protect job stability and benefits. The government needs to establish protective measures for social benefits which support independent workers throughout this work arrangement but do not interfere with their continued labor freedom. Scientists need to identify long-term financial patterns affecting employee stability alongside researching how the emerging technology will transform the forthcoming market configurations.

The gig economy is mainly comprised of platform and gig workers and has been characterised by short-term, freelance and flexible nature of employment. It has transformed the traditional standard of employment by offering new opportunities along with challenges in the existing labour market. The gig economy has seen an exponential growth in India mainly due to advancements in technology, a rise in preference for non-traditional work arrangement, the digitalisation of the economy, need for a second and quick source of income due to economic pressure. Gig economy in India encloses a broad range of industries from ride-hailing services and food delivery agents to freelance IT and creative work. The key challenges for the regulation of gig economy in India includes ambiguity in legal status, the lack of collective bargaining power and the absences of a comprehensive social security for platform/ gig workers. The regulation of gig and platform workers is a global issue where the International Labour Organisation (ILO) has recognised the need to protect the gig workers. The ILO’s 2025 agenda focuses on advancing social justice and promoting decent work in the evolving labour market. It aims to address critical areas such as the future of work, social protection, equality and the regulation of emerging work forms like the gig economy. India has taken certain measures to regulate the gig economy by focusing on providing legal recognition and social security to platform and gig workers, the social security code, 2020 and other initiatives at the central level and State level initiatives includes certain steps taken by the State government such as the state of Rajasthan and Kerala. This paper aims to study the pros and cons of the gig economy, whether it is a panacea or pandora’s box for developing nations along with that the paper aims to address the following three questions: 1. Why the Gig Economy is on the rise? 2. Why is there a need to regulate it? 3. What are the recent measures taken to regulate it?