Young Witches and Nature in Recent Children’s Visual Texts

BACKGROUND AND AIM: History and active and passive policies have concentrated lead in cities; minority and low-income populations have also been concentrated there. Humans have foisted the lead burden onto wild and domesticated urban animals as well as the natural environment. METHODS: Using a One Health approach, we have arrayed the data on the urban lead burden on humans, animals and the natural world. RESULTS:Lead pollution is not distributed evenly across urban areas. Although average US pediatric lead exposures have declined by 90% since the 1970s, there remain well defined neighborhoods where children continue to have toxic lead exposures; animals are poisoned there, too. Those neighborhoods tend to have disproportionate commercial and industrial lead activity; a history of dense traffic; older and deteriorating housing; past and operating landfills, dumps and hazardous waste sites; and often lead contaminated drinking water. The population there tends to be low income and minority. Urban wild and domesticated animals bear that same lead burden. Soil, buildings, dust and even trees constitute huge lead repositories throughout urban areas. CONCLUSIONS:Global warming will increase lead bioavailability and toxicity. Evidence-based research has shown the efficacy and cost-effectiveness of some US public policies to prevent or reduce these exposures. Potential actions to start unencumbering our urban areas include identifying sources of local contamination such as junk yards and auto body shops, reducing exposures to bare lead-contaminated soil, addressing lead contaminated drinking water in schools and homes, etc. KEYWORDS: built environment, environmental disparities, climate, children's outcomes, policy and practice

To identify wild plants used as food and assess their frequency of consumption over a year in a region of Tunisia where agriculture is undergoing a major transformation from smallholder farming to an intensive high-input agricultural system. Qualitative ethnobotanical study followed by a survey of women's frequency of consumption of wild plants conducted using FFQ at quarterly intervals. Sidi Bouzid governorate of central Tunisia. Mixed-gender group of key informants (n 14) and focus group participants (n 43). Survey sample of women aged 20-49 years, representative at governorate level (n 584). Ethnobotanical study: thirty folk species of wild edible plants corresponding to thirty-five taxa were identified by key informants, while twenty folk species (twenty-five taxa) were described by focus groups as commonly eaten. Population-based survey: 98 % of women had consumed a wild plant over the year, with a median frequency of 2 d/month. Wild and semi-domesticated fennel (Foeniculum vulgare Mill. and Anethum graveolens) was the most frequently consumed folk species. Women in the upper tertile of wild plant consumption frequency were more likely to be in their 30s, to live in an urban area, to have non-monetary access to foods from their extended family and to belong to wealthier households. In this population, wild edible plants, predominantly leafy vegetables, are appreciated but consumed infrequently. Their favourable perception, however, offers an opportunity for promoting their consumption which could play a role in providing healthy diets and mitigating the obesity epidemic that is affecting the Tunisian population.

This book addresses theories of the figure and practices of figuration ranging from classical rhetoric and biblical exegesis to semiotics, psychoanalysis, and socio-politics. Situating theory in history, the essays in this volume focus on verbal and visual texts from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, and they explore science, sacramental poetics, romance and lyric narrative, and the natural world in still lifes, prayer, parasites, and politics. They engage the work of poets, painters, storytellers, and playwrights. While the theories that inform them are many and various, they share a point of reference in the work of Jean-François Lyotard, who theorizes the co-presence in language of the figure and discourse: Lyotard's figure relates to discourse as image emerges in description, as sense accompanies signification, and as energies shape texts from within. The original essays invited for the volume show how figural energies and forms inhabit both texts and the practices that produce them — how figures are fundamentally in play in the making of subjects, societies, traditions, and institutions.

Kashmir's Necropolis: New Literatures and Visual Texts is an interdisciplinary book that studies literary texts, film, photography, and art to understand the different forms of violence represented in the cultural productions from and on Kashmir. The author argues that selected texts present how the long conflict in the postcolonial nation-state transforms the Kashmiri body, the space, setting, the relationship between the subject and its natural world under different forms of violence. Each chapter showcases a form of representational and textual violence that emphasizes the shifts from biopolitical to necropolitical violence and also includes specific forms of violence such as epicolonialism, horrorism, and hauntings in Kashmir’s landscape. The book also delves into how the concepts of agency, resistance, and resilience in these different texts necessitate new poetics of looking at Kashmir. The conflicted space of Kashmir has always been located within the politics of representation and this book investigates a problem in taxonomy within postcolonial discourses to articulate unique forms of violence in such a conflicted space.

Go Figure addresses theories of the figure and practices of figuration ranging from classical rhetoric and biblical exegesis to semiotics, psychoanalysis, and socio-politics. Situating theory in history, the essays in this volume focus on verbal and visual texts from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, and they explore science, sacramental poetics, romance and lyric narrative, and the natural world in still lifes, prayer, parasites, and politics. They engage the work of poets, painters, storytellers, and playwrights. While the theories that inform them are many and various, they share a point of reference in the work of Jean-François Lyotard, who theorizes the co-presence in language of the figure and discourse: Lyotard's figure relates to discourse as image emerges in description, as sense accompanies signification, and as energies shape texts from within. The original essays invited for the volume show how figural energies and forms inhabit both texts and the practices that produce them-how figures are fundamentally in play in the making of subjects, societies, traditions, and institutions

<scp>COVID</scp>‐19 and Food Security in Fiji: The Reinforcement of Subsistence Farming Practices in Rural and Urban Areas

This study aimed to investigate and compare the proportion of AMR Escherichia coli (E. coli) between urban (Dompe in the Western province) and rural (Dambana in the Sabaragamuwa province) areas in Sri Lanka. The overall hypothesis of the study is that there is a difference in the proportion of AMR E. coli between the urban and the rural areas. Faecal samples were collected from healthy humans (n = 109), dairy animals (n = 103), poultry (n = 35), wild mammals (n = 81), wild birds (n = 76), soil (n = 80) and water (n = 80) from both areas. A total of 908 E. coli isolates were tested for susceptibility to 12 antimicrobials. Overall, E. coli isolated from urban area was significantly more likely to be resistant than those isolated from rural area. The human domain of the area had a significantly higher prevalence of AMR E. coli, but it was not significantly different in urban (98%) and rural (97%) areas. AMR E. coli isolated from dairy animals, wild animals and water was significantly higher in the urban area compared with the rural area. There was no significant difference in the proportion of multidrug resistance (MDR) E. coli isolated from humans, wild animals and water between the two study sites. Resistant isolates found from water and wild animals suggest contamination of the environment. A multi-sectorial One Health approach is urgently needed to control the spread of AMR and prevent the occurrences of AMR in Sri Lanka.

Based on fieldwork with people involved in the environmental movement in Scotland, this article describes the connections they made between the future of reproduction and the future of the environment. While we are used to thinking of Euro-American kinship in terms of the passing on of biogenetic substances, in this case an ecological ethic of reproduction, which places the emphasis on considering the kinds of environments into which children will be born, is more salient. An ecological ethic of reproduction urges (potential) parents to consider whether it is responsible to bring future generations into a world with stretched and unequally distributed resources and in which the accumulated consequences of human actions may be altering not only the natural world, but also the ability to reproduce at all. Résumé À partir d'un travail de terrain parmi des sympathisants du mouvement écologiste écossais, l'article décrit les liens qu'établissent ceux-ci entre le futur de la reproduction et le futur de l'environnement. Si l'on pense habituellement la parenté euro-américaine en termes de transmission de matériel biogénétique, on remarque davantage ici une éthique écologique de la reproduction, qui met l'accent sur les environnements dans lesquels les enfants vont naître. L'éthique écologique de la reproduction incite les parents (potentiels) à se demander s'il est responsable d'engendrer de nouvelles générations dans un monde où les ressources sont surexploitées et inégalement distribuées et où les conséquences cumulées des actions humaines pourraient peser non seulement sur l'environnement naturel mais même sur la capacité de l'espèce à se reproduire. Between late 2005 and summer 2007, I conducted fieldwork in a tiny village called Spey Bay on the Moray Firth coast in northeast Scotland, amongst the people who work and volunteer in the wildlife centre there. The Moray Firth has a resident population of over one hundred bottlenose dolphins, and sightings of dolphins, seals, porpoises and minke whales are common in the summer months. Although they are aware that cetaceans are wild animals, the people who work and volunteer at the wildlife centre think of them as intelligent, social, and generally kind-spirited; they represent what is good about the natural world and the ethical imperative to conserve and protect the environment (see also Dow 2016b). The staff and volunteers of the wildlife centre in Spey Bay have placed themselves in the role of caring for these animals, and by extension the wider environment. Along with their specific interest in cetacean conservation, they are influenced by the environmental movement, which compels them to reduce their carbon emissions, recycle their waste, and consume products that have been produced and traded fairly.1 In this article, I will focus on people in Spey Bay's visions of the future, and, specifically, the place of reproduction in the future. As they recognize, while access to food and a safe environment in which to live are of course crucial to individuals' survival, the endangerment and extinction of species are ultimately caused by the failure to reproduce future generations. In the article, I will trace some of the connections people in Spey Bay made between reproduction, time, and the environment, focusing particularly on their concerns about infertility and endangerment. In thinking about the present and the future, people considered how best to manage natural resources, how to deal with natural drives, and what to do with things that humans have produced. In other words, when people in Spey Bay thought about the future, they worried most about what gets left behind for future generations. Running through all this are their ideas about the cumulative effects of human actions on the natural world and a view of the future as the accumulation of past and present events, decisions, and actions. People in Spey Bay think of having children less in terms of the inheritance of biogenetic substances and more in terms of ensuring a stable environment in which future generations can lead safe and healthy lives. I will call this an ecological ethic of reproduction. It is a model of kinship in which reproductive ethics are primarily about critically assessing the kind of world in which any future child will grow up. Rather than prioritizing a molecular perspective on the creation of new lives, which might be expected when discussing reproduction in the UK in the twenty-first century, it draws the focus out to the environmental scale – asking not whether a particular constellation of sperm, egg, and uterus will create a baby, but whether a person born in the future will be able to make a good life. As Marilyn Strathern (1992a; 1992b) has established (see also Bowlby 2013), in British kinship thinking in the late twentieth century, children were the future to their parents' past. Kinship and reproduction have been characterized by questions about the future, including the inheritance of property, the solidification of lineages, the passing on of genes, blood, and other bodily substances, and the transfer of memories, artefacts, and stories from one generation to the next. In British kinship, reproduction entails the downward, future-orientated flow of these myriad inheritances from past and present generations to those yet to come (see also Carsten 2001).2 This common-sense connection between reproduction and the future has, since the late twentieth century, most audibly manifested itself in public debates about assisted reproductive technologies (ART), with many early examples characterized by questions about what kind of future we might unwittingly create through tinkering with life itself (see Edwards, Franklin, Hirsch, Price & Strathern 1993; Mulkay 1997). Many scholars of ART have pointed out that one of the revolutionary aspects of these technologies is that they have brought the previously private matters of marital relations, reproductive health, fertility, and parenting into the public domain, though this is also within a context of shifting family structures and kinship norms. But these debates also touched on much wider questions. For example, in his interviews with people about the potential future of ART in the 1990s, Eric Hirsch (1993) found that, in working out the likely effects of these technologies, people drew on the domains of the state and market exchange, which contrasts with the sense that a separation of family from such 'public' spheres is characteristic of modern life. In her most recent book, Biological relatives, Sarah Franklin (2013: 300-5) discusses the long history of anxiety about technology being coupled with fears about the future of reproduction. She illustrates this using the case of Plato and Socrates' dismissal of the 'sterile' and 'barren' technology of writing. This ancient example of Plato and Socrates' mistrust of writing shows the ambivalence that technology commonly provokes and how vital ideas about time, progress, kinship, and inheritance are to that ambivalence. Ambivalence about technology parallels ambivalence about the future: 'It is the fear of degeneration in the wake of technological change, set against a more confident expectation of an improved, more fruitful, future, that has long characterized technological ambivalence', Franklin writes (2013: 300). One of the most striking characteristics of these fears is how quickly they turn to questions about the future of kinship and fertility. It may seem obvious that ART would provoke concerns about kinship, since many have supposed that this is what they are all about, but Franklin makes the important point that this relationship between technology and kinship is not unique to ART – it may even apply to something as (now) banal as writing. Similarly, when people worry about the future of kinship and reproduction, they may be concerned about much more than family. By positing a crisis on the global scale in which every single person is implicated, environmentalism makes connections across, and thereby potentially renders meaningless, the boundaries around domestic, local, national, and natural worlds. This is its power and its challenge. British people's concerns about human interventions in both the environment and reproduction suggest radical consequences for the concept of nature and its ability to act as the ultimate context. At the end of the twentieth century, as Strathern (1992a) has pointed out, it seemed that interfering with nature by manipulating embryos in vitro or destroying the rainforests could have epochal3 implications: human interventions, whether at the microscopic or the industrial scale, put nature's status and its future in question. Fears about the destruction of the natural world were not only potentially catastrophic in a practical sense, but also had enormous conceptual ramifications, as they created a sense that nature might not be as all-encompassing or powerful as modernist thinking had assumed. Despite these predictions about the effects of ART and environmental destruction on nature, what was less clear at the end of the twentieth century was what effect environmentalism might have on kinship. In an ecological ethic of reproduction, the importance of biogenetic substance in creating relatedness is still assumed, and the universality of the desire to have a child 'of one's own' goes unquestioned, but the main concern is whether it is responsible and ethical to bring children into a world that has been severely damaged by human actions and which has stretched, dwindling, and unequally distributed resources. An ecological ethic of reproduction is one aspect of a worldview in which humans are part of an interdependent and biodiverse environment, which cautions that straying too far from nature is dangerous for everyone, and which conceptualizes parental responsibility as reaching beyond the individual parent or nuclear family to whole communities and societies which create the conditions into which children are born. This article attempts both to describe how this reproductive ethic is manifested in Spey Bay and to suggest its wider implications for our understandings of kinship, reproduction, time, and the environment – and how they might be connected. In my fieldwork in Spey Bay, I followed Strathern's (1992a) approach of tracing analogies and connections, paying particular attention to the ways in which analogy compels action (Street & Copeman 2014). Analogies cross boundaries and show no deference for scale. It behoves anthropologists to focus on these apparent transgressions, since they can make our ways of knowing visible. In talking about reproduction, people in Spey Bay made connections between different worlds and they considered the ramifications of such connections. In conversations about reproduction, they discussed kinship, relatedness, and family, but also nonhuman animals, industry, government, the state of the natural world, and the future of humanity. People in Spey Bay worried not only about their own children or grandchildren, but also about unknown and not yet conceived future generations, including those of other species. Along with this attention to the ways in which people make connections across domains, it will become clear that there is some slippage in the kinds of environments that people in Spey Bay are concerned about in relation to reproduction. They are, certainly, explicitly informed by environmentalism and concomitant concerns about 'the environment',4 as in that which surrounds all species and provides the habitat and resources upon which we rely for survival, but they are also concerned about other environments. Their anxieties about the future of reproduction are about the domestic, economic, social, political, and ecological environments in which future generations will live. Not only is this a reflection of the capacious nature of the term 'environment', but it also indicates the fact that environmentalists are attentive to the interactions between these different environments. In other words, they are particularly concerned about the effects that humans have on the natural world, and so are attentive not only to the state of the ecological environment but also to human society. As I will show, thinking about the relationship between reproduction and the wider world is a reflection of the interdependence that environmentalists perceive between humans and nature. By following the promiscuous connections people in Spey Bay made between different domains of life, I will show their sense of the connectedness of humans and their environments, as well as the centrality of reproduction to how they think about the future. Before focusing my attention squarely on the reproduction of future generations, I will give a sense of what everyday life in Spey Bay is like, with specific reference to the problem of the proper management of waste, illustrated by the examples of public beach cleaning and household recycling. The people with whom I worked in the wildlife centre in Spey Bay, their friends and family, ranged in age from their late teens to sixties. Some had grown up in the area, but most had grown up elsewhere in Scotland or England, and a few were from Western Europe and North America. While some volunteers come to Spey Bay only for a set period of time, everyone saw it as a place in which they could build a good life, and many of the permanent staff in the centre are former volunteers who have decided to settle in the area. The thirty or so houses that make up Spey Bay sit along a road that heads north, then, just before it reaches the sea, turns left to a dead end which becomes the wildlife centre's car park. Beyond that is the mouth of the River Spey. The wildlife centre is based in a complex of buildings, now owned by the Crown Estate, which once housed a successful salmon fishing station that operated between the eighteenth and twentieth centuries.5 In the 1990s, a local couple converted some of the buildings into a wildlife centre aimed at locals and tourists. Later that decade, it was taken over by an international conservation charity, which still runs the centre as its flagship national site for advocacy, education, and fundraising. While the people who work and volunteer in the wildlife centre are those most obviously involved in the environmental movement in the area, I had many conversations with visitors to the centre and other locals who are concerned about the environment and climate change. Although they might not all identify themselves as environmentalists, living 'close to nature' seems to compel people there to think about their relationship to their environment. This is in line with the mainstreaming of environmental ideas and values in the last few decades. Indeed, the Scottish Government (2014) included a pledge to pursue environmentally friendly policies in its draft constitution for a potential independent Scotland. Caring for the environment is popularly perceived (and sometimes derided) in Britain as a middle-class concern, and most of the people who work in the wildlife centre are middle class. There is certainly a congruence between their core ethical values – taking responsibility, planning for the future, and making good lives – and their own socio-economic positions, but this popular association of environmentalism with a certain class also overlooks the foundational role that many more marginalized groups have played in the environmental movement (see Taylor 2011 on environmental justice and environmental racism in the US; see also Klein 2014 for numerous examples of indigenous peoples' battles against environmental exploitation). One important aspect of caring for the environment entails recognizing that everyone will be affected by climate change, but that its effects will be unevenly distributed, and that those best resourced to cope also have the most power to prevent it. The wildlife centre in Spey Bay holds regular beach cleans on Sunday afternoons. These events represent a crucial opportunity to educate visitors about the anthropogenic pressures faced by marine creatures and their environments. At the beginning of the beach cleans, staff give the participating adults and children protective gloves, litter picks, and tips about what to look out for as they comb the shoreline for human-made debris. The rubbish is collected together further up the beach, to be sorted by staff and later removed by the local council. When they have finished collecting, participants are faced with piles of car tyres, innumerable types of plastic, rope, and netting, glass bottles and cans, and plenty of other more unusual finds besides. At this point, wildlife centre staff point out what the presence of all this rubbish might mean for the species that live in the sea. They tell children that turtles and whales often eat carrier bags, mistaking them for squid or jellyfish, and that dolphins and fish can get entangled in abandoned fishing nets. Through this example, they show them the consequences of careless waste management, or what gets left behind. They remind them not to drop litter, especially in parks and nature reserves. They encourage adults to recycle their household waste and to use reusable fabric shopping bags rather than plastic ones. Finally, they thank them and congratulate them on the important job they have done and remind them about the generous servings of cake on offer in the wildlife centre's café. Twenty-first-century environmentalism is, in many ways, a contemporary reworking of the Green movement(s) of the 1970s and 1980s, to a context of and The beach cleans in Spey Bay the connection between and the environment and the that especially about the effects of waste on the environment will bring about a in their the environmental has sometimes been explicitly and yet most people who about the environment not it to themselves from in their everyday lives. For many environmentalists in an of a more of the is to focus on questions of (see some environmental that it is too late to this and to focus on and & 2014). Klein (2014) has called for a global of our that and its core in which the natural world primarily resources for humans to is the main to catastrophic climate change. Similarly, that to prevent climate have so far been the of industrial ways of is a term that in but in the to what with household For this parallels a in focus from industrial to individual by ideas about the of waste, and as well as and early ideas about and While of people are to live their lives in more ways, these will ultimately have to be by and which far more carbon than As the beach example the management of waste is an important part of the everyday that people in Spey Bay make to their environmental though in fact when it to the management of their own household waste, it more than it When I to Spey Bay, I in the for just to the wildlife centre volunteers were a food by the that runs the and they often and They their food to be from a local While many were with their for the of natural resources and of they think that these were a of food in this particular When they had the those who had less would often and shopping with from local independent especially those that and While living in the I that the which was collected in in the would often build up for a long before with it. At the time, the not from so to prevent it into the waste had to be taken to the This was only a few the main but far to a car to the of up to people's This an for the many of whom that regular car to the were environmentally By not household they thought that the was being and them in an the of the wildlife who the volunteers to their not the centre had to be to be the of in its own staff As the only person living in the volunteer who owned a and as an rather than an I often the to the – to be and I had a for it especially since the was to In a sense, I was prioritizing our environment over the of the natural By I the volunteers in some of their about making a car by in to deal with their waste in a more environmentally friendly though of course it also as an as who was to put her environmental to one in the of as a and as so The everyday ethics of people in Spey Bay might be using term to create a by which actions that both for present conditions to in the future and the of in These of and in the future point to questions of and which are far from the of as their actions out, people in Spey Bay do some for the future, even only the future. They fear environmental crisis rather than it. of are and but to people's is one of what they now and in the future. In public debates about have concerns about what technological interventions into the creation of human life might mean for the future, from of to a of to the creation of could be with a catastrophic though up in the of such fears – rather than their – is to the These fears are not so much about the end of the world as about what might be one is taken and not they what kind of world people now and in the is from it has in his with such that the can no This into the future to which his is while the of before This is what we call environmentalism and the reproduction of children are concerned and the future. But the of reproduction and of environmentalism are not the one people in Spey Bay in of and of progress, on the they that the future is the rather than the or of the past and The of that the the the and the all But for people in Spey Bay, as is to and in the the of history is and, rather than the of the it in the future. People in Spey Bay brought up ideas of inheritance in the sense of or when we about reproduction and kinship, but they the sense that future generations will the environments that we This is in a practical sense, by their that parental responsibility with planning and creating a for children to be born who is with a used this when the conditions in which to become a and it her and anxieties for future generations, which were by everyone I the social, economic, and ecological and a the family the the and other environments in Scotland has the of the that make up the UK and is than children though this is out by Government In my with people in Spey Bay, it apparent that many were aware of this of Scotland have to and Moray in which Spey Bay is and have some of the to the Scottish Government some of this may be by of people to or their from to as a of market and of life People living in Spey Bay certainly see it as a good place in which to bring up and many of their ideas about what makes a good life are with those about what makes a stable environment in which to to and to the and to wildlife were to be to both children and The fact that could to live in houses rather than often with their own on public and was also I people in Spey Bay whether they thought the state have any role in a in Scotland, or whether it offer for to have children while they are people were with state in reproductive and that, the population in the UK as a the in Scotland was not a People perceived infertility as a which had effects on people's lives and so thought it and to access to but many about whether the much to this of its resources. While they were to the and the desire to have no one thought that having children was a commonly view amongst people in Spey Bay was that there are of children parents or in the world and many that people who to become parents or not they are consider was a volunteer in the wildlife centre at Spey was in his in a and had no though to have them in the future. everyone I with the desire to have children 'of one's this by that there is on this in terms of to his concerns about whether it was for people to turn to infertility also at the wildlife the world as and and think is itself was in her early has children and as a and was to people's to have and drew on her own of later in life to her with people technological to a the that would be to an couple a to the of the children of the and

保护区及周边居民对野猪容忍性的影响因素——以黑龙江凤凰山国家级自然保护区为例

It is vital to apply suitable strategies to restore insect diversity to maintain sustainability and productivity in ecosystems. Therefore, the objective of this study was to determine the insect richness and diversity of three different planting designs in order to conserve insects and to promote such designs locally. Based on previous studies seven wild plants viz., Spermacoce assurgens, Leucas zeylanica, Tridax procumbens, Merremia tridentata, Emilia sonchifolia, Ipomoea triloba and Cyanthillium cinereum were selected as wild plants, while Z. elegans was selected as an ornamental plant. Three planting designs (3×3 m), with only wild plants, wild plants enriched with Z. elegans and only Z. elegans were established in the university premises. Monitoring of insects was done in three designs at hourly intervals from 6.00 a.m to 6.00 p.m on 6 sunny days. The highest insect richness (83) was recorded by the design with wild plants enriched with Z. elegans followed by the design with only wild plants (78) and the design with only Z. elegans (44). When consider the insect diversity, the design with wild plants enriched with Z. elegans recorded the highest diversity of H'=3.4146 followed by design with only wild plants (H'=3.045) and design with only Z. elegans (H'=1.77246). Further, the design with wild plants enriched with Z. elegans need less maintenance compared to the plot with only Z. elegans, and it could be promoted in establishing of plantings in urban areas in view of conservation of insect richness and aesthetics enhancement.

This study explored how global citizenship as an overarching aim of social studies can be realized and meaningfully delivered to students in a high school social studies classroom. Using a case study of an exemplary social studies teacher, Julia, this study focused on her curricular meaning making and pedagogical decision making as ways to promote global citizenship in a 9th grade social studies classroom in the United States. The findings of this study demonstrate that Julia's curricular decisions and pedagogical practices largely advocated world justice and governance and cosmopolitan notions of global citizenship, and emphasized a cooperative nature and dialogic understanding of the world. Specific pedagogical approaches Julia used are as follows: (1) global history and culture as interpretation and analysis, (2) from local to global, (3) cultural diversity, tolerance, and respect, (4) stay tuned for current events, and (5) visual texts. in-class activity, primary sources, student work sample, and homework/assignment guidelines are presented as examples of her actual teaching practices. This study, based upon a real-world classroom observation and interview data, seeks to provide implications for global citizenship education in Korea that goes beyond the narrowly defined nationalist and overly competitive neoliberal discourses and pursues more cooperative and justice-oriented visions of the world, and to contribute to the generation of more classroom-based empirical studies that would move the field forward.

First detection of Leishmania spp. DNA in Brazilian bats captured strictly in urban areas

The impact of environmental pollution on selected animals was tested by monitoring the hepatic content of cytochromes P450 and their enzyme activities or by calculating TEQ values from the concentration of pollutants in the body. Fish-eating Stellars Sea Eagles, Haliaeetus pelagicus, found dead in the northern part of Hokkaido island accumulated high levels of PCBs and DDT and metabolites. The TEQ values calculated from the PCB concentration in the eagles were high enough to cause a significant toxic effect in other birds living in the same environment. Some of these birds were also contaminated with high concentrations of lead. Spotted seals, Phoca largha, captured along the coast-line of Hokkaido accumulated PCBs in their fat at about 100 million times the concentrations in the surface sea water. The levels of expressions of hepatic microsomal CYP 1A1and related enzyme activities in these seals showed good correlation to the levels of PCBs accumulated in the fat. The fresh water crabs, Eriocheir japonicus, were captured from three different rivers with various degrees of pollution. The P450 content and the related enzyme activities showed good correlation to TEQ values obtained from the concentrations of PCBs and PCDDs in the crabs from the rivers. The wild rodents, Clethrionomys rufocanus, were captured from urban, agricultural, and forest areas in Hokkaido. Those from the forest area had the lowest CYP content and related enzyme activities, comparable to those in laboratory-raised animals. Those from the urban areas, presumably contaminated with PAHs from fuel combustion, showed increased CYP 1A1 content and related enzyme activities. Those from the agricultural areas showed increased levels of CYP 1A1, 2B, 2E1. Rats treated with some of the agrochemicals used in the area resulted in a similar pattern of induction. It is concluded that P450 can be a useful biomarker for assessing the environmental impact of chemical pollutants on wild animals.

In the Arctic, as in many parts of the world, interactions with the natural world are an important part of people’s experience and are often recorded in photographs. Emerging methods for automated content analysis of social media data offers opportunities to discover information on cultural ecosystem services from photographs across large samples of people and countries. We analysed over 800,000 Flickr photographs using Google’s Cloud Vision algorithm to identify the components of the natural environment most photographed and to map how and where different people interact with nature across eight Arctic countries. Almost all (91.1%) of users took one or more photographs of biotic nature, and such photos account for over half (53.2 %) of Arctic photos on Flickr. We find that although the vast majority of Arctic human-nature interactions occur outside protected areas, people are slightly more likely to photograph nature inside protected areas after accounting for the low accessibility of Arctic protected areas. Wildlife photographers travel further from roads than people who take fewer photographs of wildlife, and people venture much further from roads inside protected areas. A large diversity of nature was reflected in the photographs, from mammals, birds, fish, fungi, plants and invertebrates, signalling an untapped potential to connect and engage people in the appreciation and conservation of the natural world. Our findings suggest that, despite limitations, automated content analysis can be a rapid and readily accessed source of data on how and where people interact with nature, and a large-scale method for assessing cultural ecosystem services across countries and cultures.

Background: The present study explores the variation in epidemiology and treatment seeking behavior of animal bite patients in rural and urban areas. The rural urban differences would be imperative in effective policy making, planning and implementation of preventive and control measures.Methods: This cross-sectional study was carried out in 50 urban patients were from anti-rabies vaccination clinic of government medical college Aurangabad and 50 rural patients from areas of Paithan from January 2016 to May 2016. All patients were subjected to socio-demographic profile and detailed history of animal bites, wound toileting and treatment including both active and passive immunization.Results: Overall, 66% were males and 34% were females. Most of the people in rural area were bitten by stray dog (42%) followed by wild animals like pig, monkey (16%) as compared with 38% of stray dog bite cases in urban areas. The commonest site of animal bites was found to be lower limb followed by upper limb, trunk and head in both areas. Maximum cases belonged to category III (84%) in rural areas followed by category I (10%). Also, most of the rural patients (46%) preferred home remedies of treatment i.e. application of oil, salt, red chilies, and turmeric paste applications as compared with 10% urban patients.Conclusions: Our study revealed that majority of the patients from rural areas were inflicted upon by stray dogs (54%) and relied more upon home remedies thereby reporting late to government hospitals.