Współczesne chaczkary na terenie Polski

The aim of the article is to define the role of mural art as a part of street art in the context of the cultural urban space. Identification of mural art in cities, its transformation depending on the place of creation and changes in the perception of the viewer requires needs research that is more detailed. А lot of people do not distinguish between concepts in street art; do not understand the artistic value of murals. Therefore, it is useful to show all functions, which murals can have. The quantity and quality of murals in the urban space affects its reputation, culture, development trends. That is, murals can both spoil urban visions and aestheticize them. Murals often engine enrichment of human consciousness, because artists raise important social issues, motivate the viewer to think. They try to turn the city into a large gallery, to influence people who involuntarily become spectators and connoisseurs of street art. It is also appropriate to explore the trends of Ukrainian muralism in the urban space. After all, street art has become very popular in Ukraine, as evidenced we can see various thematic festivals and competitions. The research methodology involves an interdisciplinary approach, analysis of scientific works of cultural and art history, review of thematic media and creative work of street artists to determine the characteristics and purposes of their activities. The works of modern Ukrainian researchers who study the issues of the cultural space of the city, mural art and street art in general are involved. The scientific novelty lies in the study of the influence of mural art on personal perception on drawing attention to socio-political problems in the urban context. On the example of the analysis of works of world street artists the tendency to social and educational function of murals, instead of simply aesthetic, is traced. The practical significance of the study is to emphasize that murals have artistic value, a unique semantic message, and are not just a means of aestheticization. The article can be useful for specialists in culturology, history, art history, architecture and for artists.

The Supreme Court in Times of Hot and Cold War: Learning from the Sounds of Silence for a War on Terrorism DOUGLAS W. KMIEC Introduction Justice William J. Brennan once remarked that the Court has never fully developed a jurispru­ dence of national security. It is simply too episodic, he said.1 Our present Chief Justice would, it would seem, largely agree, though his own research shows some greater willingness for the Court to superintend—at least after the fact2—the actions of the executive in times of war or similar crisis. My assignment in this essay was to ask the question slightly differently; namely, has the posture ofthe Court differed in times of hot or cold war, and if so, how has it differed? As will be evident momentarily, that question is less helpful to our present circumstance than it might seem. Why? Because, frankly, we are in neither a hot nor cold war, but something quite different3—something that has the potential to be not only hot, but blistering, and something which will likely never be fully appreciated as having gone truly cold. It has been said often that the war on terrorism is not like a conventional hot war. It does not always involve a nation state or sovereign claimant, though it can, as the war in Afghanistan and Iraq suggests. Ourenemies do notuniformly aim at military or diplomatic tar­ gets, though, as we know from the U.S.S. Cole and embassy bombings, they may. The present waris also likelyto be long-lastingwithno def­ inite end date—no V-E or V-J Day—because, frankly, we know neither the E nor the J, nor how to define V So, too, the circumstancewe now confront is not like the Cold War: there is no sinister communistic ideology seeking to undermine democratic thought. Americans generally have only the vaguest notion about the fanatical Is­ lamic beliefs that underlie the hatred of our THE SUPREME COURT IN TIMES OF HOT AND COLD WAR 271 Since the attack on the World Trade Center in 2001, the author argues, the United States has entered a new kind of war—one that can be characterized as neither cold nor hot. al-Qaeda enemies. Our President has repeat­ edly emphasized that those who attacked us do not represent mainstream Muslim belief, and we hardly fear that the fundamentalists who have declaredjihad or war against us will sur­ reptitiously win over the hearts and minds of our youth. Joe McCarthy and the like might have thought a Communist takeover imminent in the 1950s, but in the American home ofthe twenty-first century, the philosophical influ­ ence of radical Islam is more annoying than worrisome. Yet, living today when it may not be safe to work in an office tower or even open the day’s mail is unnerving. Surely not a violent overthrow ofthe republic, but just as surely a more pervasive, deeply troubling, and insidious constraint on American freedom. In this time of coldly calculated terrorist hatred that can boil over anywhere, any time, national security and its reconciliation with civil lib­ erty may be less informed by the Court’s past wartime history than even Justice Brennan be­ moaned. In times of terrorist war, history cannot repeat itself, since the nation has not previ­ ously been threatened by a fully analogous war-like hatred. The present war is sustained internationally and delivered domestically. It is as likely to result in harm to military per­ sonnel as to average citizens. Perhaps the clos­ est analogue to the modern terrorist is the pi­ rate and brigand ofold. While the lawlessness of both makes them cousins, the analogy ulti­ mately fails, since the modern cousin can com­ mandeer technological resources that threaten a far broader scope ofcivilization than a frigate upon the high seas ever could. With these qualifications, let us briefly ex­ amine some ofthe past decisions of the Court in times of hot or cold war for the information or guidance they do yield. The examination focuses on the competing roles of the politi­ cal branches and the Court in selected prece­ dents from the Civil War, World Wars I and II...

"The present article is based on two research experiences that were resulted in the printing of two volumes that included visual documents. In the present article, our aim is to present the content categories that can be found in the photographs and postcards with and about the Romanians from the Austrian-Hungarian monarchy who took part in the traumatizing experience of World War I. Thus, a first theme that is rich and varied included the “faces” of the officers, soldiers and, last but not least, the civilians, in different situations, contexts and stances imposed by the war’s developments. There are group photographs that contain a varying number of soldiers, from two – three persons, up to several dozens, along with individual photographs; in all of these photographs, there are soldiers and officers, together or separate. Next, there is a distinct category of visual materials, concerning propaganda; they are mostly illustrated postcards that circulated as correspondence between the firing line and the “home front”. The symbolism of the state authority, along with the image of the emperor and that of the imperial family, were a recurring presence in the imagistic content with which the Austrian-Hungarian postcards printed during the war tried to send a loyalist message or to consolidate it in the community’s mentality. The materials that are related to the course of the daily life near the front, as well as behind it, are particularly interesting; the photographs taken during the war usually depict non-fighting moments, the moments of rest, containing with varied and diverse themes. There is a special category of visual documents that have been preserved from the time of the war, depicting the suffering that was inflicted upon the participants and the manner in which it was “handled”. Thus, among the photographs that fall in this category, we encountered those of the wounded and hospitalized soldiers, the field hospitals and the personnel with medical attributions that served near the units. Another theme section directly connected to the previous one is represented by the physical embodiment of death along the front line: photographs of funerals, graves and military cemeteries. There is a category of visual sources, from both public and private collections, that related to the war “on the seas”, photographs and postal cards of the marine troops serving in the Empire; they were stationed at Pola, in the Adriatic Sea. The photographs taken during the Great War that depict soldiers alongside civilians are of particular interest. Mostly, they are soldiers together with their own family members (mothers, wives, children etc) that are depicted in photographs that were taken far from the front line, during leaves, when the soldiers could briefly re-join their native communities. The Romanians that served in the war, wearing the military uniform of the double monarchy and who left its sphere of loyalty, either by becoming prisoners or by voluntary desertion, is a theme that was not overlooked by the visual sources that have survived from that period. These photographs of prisoners and Romanian volunteers from the time of the Great War are also relevant for the geographic coordinates, very far from one another, where the course of the events carried the Romanian soldiers, from France to far-away Siberia, at Vladivostok. The document images from the time of the Great War allow for a sui generis dialogue with those “who are no more”, over a temporal gap of a century. The camera lens often captured expressive faces, whose identity is known in the cases in which the photographs include markings and notes, along with those that offer no additional information concerning those who took the photos or their subjects; in the latter case, we can say that these images are the anonymous bearers of war’s memory. These materials offer us today the unique privilege of visually “communicating” with our forbearers from a century ago, with the representatives of the humanity that plunged into the terrible adventure of World War I. Keywords: “The Great War”, Romanians, Austria-Hungary, visual sources, cultural history. "

Art trade in works of art removed in times of war, armistice and occupation

The paper discusses the development trends of the available thesis studies, which fully discuss the participation of women in the times of World War I. The methodological basis of the paper is formed by general scientific and special historical methods of logical and historiographical analysis.The papers for analysis reveal the history of women in two hostilestates, namelythe Russian and Austro-Hungarian Empires. It has been determined that there have beenwritten just a few thesis paperson gender-based issuesof the period of World War I. This is currently a developing. The available studies have demonstrated that the history of women during World War I has been generally explored in the context of acts of charity and solving the everyday issues of the war-engulfed towns. It has been proven that women did not occupy a passive position in the times of war. On the contrary, they took it upon themselves to aid as much as possible and performed the generally attributed “male” functions. The scholars are unanimous in their claims that World War I challenged the society's viewpointas to the status of women. The woman was forced to run her own household and at the same timebe the breadwinner for the family. Society did not condemn such zest, but on the contrary, encouraged women's work. Women began to master new professions, which previously were considered fit only for males. A woman working at the factory, or the railroad has become a commonplace phenomenon. Business ownersused this to their own benefit. Women were paid much less than men, allowing owners to save a substantial amount. Most women distinguished themselves by doing charity. Here, theywere able to show their talents and abilities most. Women of the royal family, nobility, the intellectual elite, and peasantry worked side by side for the benefit of their own military, wounded, and refugees. «Women's Committees» took over the guardianship of families that moved and lost almost everything; took care of the children left without parents, and women who lost their husbands. These committees watched over the production of clothes for the army and refugees, collected funds for pharmaceuticals for various medical institutions. Hospitals, shelters, dormitories had their own female guardian, who saw to the order and life of these «wards». At the front lines, in hospitals, in the places of refugee dislocations they helped with the functioning of the Russian Red Cross Society. The latter attracted not only experienced nurses, but also prepared and conducted training for all those interested. The Russian Red Cross Society had its own affiliations work closely with the local women's committees, opened refugee stations, created points of evacuation, collected funds for various needs, organized charity events. Some women scoured the front lines and defended their Fatherland. The scholars provide data on 37 women which served their country at the front lines as part of the medical teams. Among them were Elena Stepaniv, Sofia Galechko and many others. Whereas Evdokiya Chernyavskya from Odessa disguised herself as a man and went to serve in the Russian military. The focus on specific aspects of World War I allowed to reveal the other side of war, showing that it was not only a males bidding. Women did not stay aloof. Historysaw to it that women were represented both as certain communities the, women's organizations, society, committees and also the contributions of each and every individual. Yelizaveta Volodymyrivna, Efrosynia Mykolayivna, Olga Tereshchenko, Varvara Khannenko, Duchess M.O. Svyatopolk-Mirsky, Countess Tolstaya, Princess Demidova San Donato, Princess Branycka, Elyzaveta, and Vira Lopukhin-Demidov were unveiled as well-known philanthropists.They opened hospitalsin their estates,and workshops for the manufacture of medical instruments. At their own expense they tended to the wounded, and if it was necessary, helped out themselves in hospitals. The analysis of the available thesis papers has shown that it is necessary to conduct a historical analysis on the role ofwomen during World War I. Many issues have remained unpublished, thus there are many possibilities for further research.

ONE of the most important spheres of foreign capitalistic interest in China is industry. The progress of China for the past two decades, which it would be an exaggeration to characterize as industrial revolution, is to a large degree connected with the activity of foreign capital. The invasion of European and Japanese capital, which began at the end of the last century, was the deciding stimulus to the development of the country. Exaggerated ideas of the colossal mineral resources of China-an idea founded on the evaluations of the first explorers-greatly attracted the attention of foreigners. As a result of concessions which were forced upon China, foreigners planted their financial roots deep in, Chinese industry. Their influence in basic industries is still dominant. In the textile industry the role of foreign capital, foremost amongst which being that of Japan, is important. Only during the time of the Great War, when the supply of materials from Europe was diminished and the activity of foreign capital was weakened, the first signs of the expansion of native industry appeared. It is necessary to stress the fact, however, that though the World War. isolated China from European influence, it did not prevent an expansion in the activity of Japanese capital. The World War, though temporarily liquidating the competitive struggle between capitalistic groups, strengthened the economic position of Japanese imperialism in China. During the war Japan flooded the Chinese market with manufactured articles. The sphere of activity for Japanese capital in China was broadened. The expansion of the Japanese textile industry in Chinese territory, the increased seizures of mineral resources, and also the establishment of a monopoly in certain basic industries, took place at the time of the War as well as

Advocacy and Action: 100 Years of Indiana Nursing and the Indiana State Nurses' Association Edited by Marjorie Lentz Porter and Barbra Mann Wall (Virginia Beach, VA: The Donning Company Publishers, 2003) (144 pages; $29 ISNA member; $39.00 non-ISNA member, paper). Nursing centennials provide opportunities for celebration. Thus the centennial of the Indiana State Nurses' Association (ISNA) provided the impetus for this book, which celebrates the work and achievements of the ISNA during its first hundred years. Through a series of chronologically arranged chapters, each authored by a different nurse-historian, the book documents the development of nursing in Indiana from the time of the Civil War to the present day. The authors use a variety of primary source materials to present the events, persons, and forces (p. 7) that shaped nursing in Indiana. Woven throughout the work are the strands of gender, race, economics, and community. Themes such as collaboration, advocacy, service, and leadership are carried through each of the chapters, effectively unifying the events described into a cohesive record. The first chapter, authored by Kathleen Pickrell and Karla Backer, describes the work of Indiana volunteer nurses, such as Eliza George from Fort Wayne, Indiana, who provided care to Hoosier soldiers during the Civil War. Also included in the chapter are descriptions of events that led to the establishment of the first dispensaries, hospitals, and nurse training schools in Indiana. When City Hospital in Indianapolis opened its training school for nurses in 1883, it was only the second program for nurses to be founded east of the Allegheny Mountains. In the second chapter, Barbra Mann Wall relates the formation of the Indiana State Nurses' Association and its members' struggle to secure legislation to institute nursing registration in their state. In 1905, Indiana became only the sixth state to pass a registration and was the first midwestern state to enact such a law. Sarah BeIk Brown, chair of the ISNA's Legislative Committee, remarked about her efforts at lobbying for passage of the law, [If] I was acquainted with any person of influence or knew anyone who might know someone who could bring any influence upon legislators, their interests were promptly (p. 31). In 1904, the Association adopted as its motco the word Memor (Latin for mindful). This catchwotd seemed to influence much of the Association's work through its early years. For example, one of the ISNA's first attempts to set standards for nurses was its 1914 draft of a Code of Ethics for nurses. The following chapters, authored by Jane Manning, Diane Eaton, and Linda Rodebaugh, chronicle the responses of ISNA members to major events in United States history. Especially well detailed are the descriptions of service provided by Indiana nurses in times of war. During World War I, nurses served abroad under the auspices of the Red Cross, caring for casualties of the war. Of the nearly 500 nurses from Indiana who served in the war, twelve perished in military zones. In 1941, as yet another world war loomed ahead, the ISNA organized the Nursing Council for War Services to obtain enough nurses to meet the needs of the aimed forces. The Council also collected data about nurses on the Indiana home front so that they could be called upon to replace those nurses who had enlisted fot military service. …

The article focuses on the issue of monuments that commemorated figures and events related to the communist period, i.e., the period from the 1950s to the late 1980s. At that time, countries that were in the Soviet Union's sphere of influence, such as Poland or Ukraine, emphasized the merits and contributions that the USSR had in their liberation and development in many ways (erecting monuments, giving specific names to streets). Over the years, these monuments became important elements of the cultural landscape of larger and smaller cities within both countries. After the end of the communist regime, some such objects remained to commemorate this difficult and painful historical period. In Poland, these objects were removed, and the streets were given other names, but in Ukraine the monuments mostly remained because they were seen primarily for their artistic value. Now, however, at the time of Ukraine's war with Russia, these objects are already perceived quite differently, aggravating public resentment against the ruthless aggressor.

Paifang, a form of ancient Chinese vernacular architecture integrated with engraving and calligraphy, serves both as monuments and landmarks, features a variety of social functions and expresses rich cultural connotations, and is thus hailed as historical records made of stone. As the stone paifang in Jinxi are numerous and well-preserved, this paper, based on fieldwork, takes eight typical examples of paifang built in the Ming Dynasty as its subjects of study and conducts an analysis on them from the perspectives of geographical and historical distribution as well as classification, and then based on this assesses the cultural heritage value of paifang from three aspects, namely, historical value, artistic value and scientific value. The findings are as follows: First, the building forms of paifang enjoy suitability and versatility for their functions. Second, the function types of paifang reflect the ideology and values of the feudal ruling class. And last, paifang displays the epochal character of architectural and artistic features and the social and economic backgrounds of that era.

Despite Hungary’s peripheral location and lack of geostrategic importance, the Orbán regime has gained international fame and popularity, especially among far-right formations and countries that contest the international liberal order established in the wake of World War II. The autocratic regime’s pro-Russian tactics also represent a security concern within the EU and NATO. What kind of power lies in the hands of Hungary’s purported “strongman”? His conception of power is inspired by a specific anomaly in contemporary power relations—the “power of the weak.” Focusing on weakness as an autonomous concept provides an original reading grid to understand the anomalies of power in times of democracy backsliding and renewed war in Europe.

Solving the current problems of our time is impossible without turning to history. Today, in times of great war, millions of eyes are directed forward, to the unknown post-war future. Without pretending to be able to give any principled advice to contemporaries, the publication introduces how their medieval ancestors stopped wars, concluded peace treaties and organized post-war life. The Middle Ages of Ukraine are mainly associated with the activities of the East Slavic state formations headed by princes from the Rurik dynasty. Thanks to historical chronicles (so-called Litopys or Letopis) and European archives, a lot of information about peace treaties has been preserved, as well as a certain number of originals or copies of peace treaties of the 10th-14th centuries. Practically all of them are currently published and put into scientific use. Such treaties cover the relations of East Slavic state formations with each other, as well as with other states and state formations: steppe hordes, neighboring kingdoms, church military orders, independent bishoprics and self-governing cities. From the available historical sources, we learn about the principle of the current treaty, which was that not only in the event of a declaration of war, but also in the event of a change (death, deprivation of power) of the signatory of the treaty (prince, king, khan, Grand Master of the order, etc.), peaceful relations were suspended until the moment of concluding a new contract or the time of sending ambassadors with the proposal of such a contract. There is no agreement – there is no peace, because there is no one who guarantees this peace. This gave rise to the practice of renewing old treaties without revising them, which was based on the principle of respect for antiquity common to all of medieval Europe. Another principle on which all peace treaties were based is the forgetting of previous grudges. Any conflicts that occurred during the war, during the period of validity of the previous treaty or during the time between the end of the previous treaty and the conclusion of the new one (the so-called rozmir’ya) were to be resolved during the conclusion of peace and in the future there was no need to mention them. Demands to return to consideration of previous conflicts were considered a violation of the treaty and the beginning of war. The Eastern Slavic legal worldview left no room for discussion: there is a time of war (rozmir’ya) and there is a time of peace, which creates a new legal space and should not be burdened by previous conflicts. The article also highlights information about the possibility of temporary peace agreements, the practice of armistice, the possibility of arbitration, the procedure for compensation to the affected population, the participation of princely people in the contractual process, etc. Key words: East Slavic state formations, Kyivan Rus, Old Rus, Medieval Law, Old Rus Law, law-making treaty, International treaty, Source of Law, Legal history

<p>One of the characteristics of modernist art and architecture is the insistence on autonomy. What happens if the two media are combined? Will they activate new artistic values – or will their insistence on individual autonomy lead to a differentiation which negates any true dialogue bearing on their status as works of art? These questions are discussed with references to sculptures by Georg Kolbe, Antoine Pevsner, Barbara Hepworth, Jean Arp, Arnold Haukeland and Ramon Isern; and the architecture of Ludwig Mies van der Rohe, Walter Gropius and Erling Viksjø. Also central to these topics are the public debates between architects, sculptors and architectural historians in Europe and America during the first decades after the Second World War. The issues regarding a possible integration of sculpture and architecture were highly contested during these years of optimism and economic growth. For some, the idea of a union between the two media proved to be an ideal that was perhaps never fully accomplished. Many sculptors, however, wanted to create works intended for public spaces, whether in architectural urban settings or in landscapes. Among the architects, the opinions differed from a refusal to include any works of art as part of their buildings, to those who involved in collaborative projects with artists. Others maintained that a new spatial unity could be achieved based on joint efforts on equal terms between sculptors and architects.</p>

Abstract: The rise of Anglo-American market-security in past few decades has created contradictions in how Britain and United States conceive and conduct their armed conflicts abroad. For those who bear brunt of fighting, killing and dying, accentuated political distance between frontline and civilian world produces a particular kind of alienation. Creative measures are needed to help those who must navigate transition between and mall. ********** There is a problem with how United States and its allies exercise power, a problem rooted in forces deeper than imperfections of any one president or government. This problem was pithily summarized by a widely circulated photograph of a written statement a whiteboard in a forward operating base in Iraq: is not War. The Marines are War. America is Mall. (1) As it happens, this statement in some ways is an inadequate summary of ripples in Iraq generated. ultimately stretched beyond frontline and affected home society deeply, from war's contribution to debt-deficit crisis that has swept Euro-Atlantic world to unexpectedly large number of maimed and wounded personnel, extent of whose care our societies are unprepared. But statement does summarize how a dysfunctional set of social relations shapes way state exerts force in world and begets a confusion about what it means to be at war. To borrow a phrase Leon Trotsky, albeit used in a different context, war, no peace. The rise of Anglo-American market-security in past few decades has created particular problems in how countries both conceive and conduct their armed conflicts abroad. Due to confluent forces and choices, countries like Britain and United States wage (and augment state power to do so) by invoking moral language of great national wars, while in other ways resisting status of being at as a political condition, that is, not declaring war, not making material demands of directly, and going to great lengths to insulate their populations from conflict. For nation as a whole, this contradictory condition helps bring about a situation in which state applies military power continuously in name of an existential struggle, but trying to do so on cheap while encouraging the people to look as passive consumers--or to look away. For those who bear brunt of fighting, killing and dying, accentuated political distance between frontline and civilian world produces a particular kind of alienation. This distance does not warrant nostalgia for twentieth-century's total that mobilized an engaged, nationalist, and even conscripted population. But it does warrant concern for the consequences of lessened levels of mobilisation for quality of democratic citizenship. (2) suggests greater attention is needed to bridge gap, and greater support is needed for creative measures to help those who must navigate transition between and mall. More ambitiously, it means greater demands should be made of whose behalf such wars are fought, and in return, a more robust civil society is needed to exert greater civilian supervision of government. War Time and Peace Time In her ground-breaking study of conceptions of war and peace time, Mary Dudziak observes as Global War Terror dragged on, it left society in a strange state of limbo. It is not a time without war, but instead a time in which does not bother everyday Americans. (3) In her account, root problem is how collective memory of twentieth century creates an outmoded way of thinking, where suspend vital political questions--of state power, its limits, and authority--because they wrongly await end of to get back to a post-war normality. …

The author presents three excerpts from the reports of cycling travel in Poland in the years 2008–2011, contained in the “Bicycle Journals”. They contain descriptions of meetings with Poles who, as a result of political change in the areas of eastern Poland after 1945, were forcibly resettled in central, or north-western and western parts of Poland within its current borders. The direct accounts of the participants of the events show the complicated political background of Poland, Europe and the world after the Second World War, as well as the dramatic fate of the individuals.

This paper explores the discourse of the Russia-Ukraine war to outline and tentatively characterize the dominant narrative schemas anchored in the spatial geopolitical representations of globalness and localness. It employs a collection of analytical tools from the domains of critical cognitive discourse studies and narrative research to distinguish between two apparently most salient schemas: the Global Conflict Reality (GCR) narrative and the Local Conflict Reality (LCR) narrative. The GCR narrative conceptualizes the Russia-Ukraine war as a growing international conflict, extremely likely to produce serious political, economic and, not least, material consequences for the global community. GCR uses an emotionally charged coercive rhetoric to call for immediate political and military measures to support Ukraine so the war can be stopped before it spreads beyond its current borders. The principal narrator of GCR is the state of Ukraine itself, though the narrative is re-contextualized in a variety of other countries located in geographical proximity to the conflict, such as Poland and other states of Central Europe. In contrast to GCR, the LCR narrative, performed mostly by the Kremlin, construes the Russia-Ukraine conflict as an essentially local affair (merely a ‘special operation’ conducted by Russian forces) providing no legitimate reasons for foreign intervention. Involving fewer explicit ploys used for threat generation and public coercion, LCR is distinctive for its large number of sub-narratives appropriated for different geopolitical audiences, which include not only the Russian and the Ukrainian people, but also specific audience groups in the West and the Global South. Altogether, the inherent complexity of both narratives, and the process of their re-composition in the global discourse space requires further studies, focused not only on their conceptual design but on strictly linguistic features and lexico-grammatical markers of the GCR/LCR status.