Wpływ organizacji pozarządowych na stanowienie prawa w oczach ich przedstawicieli

This research article explores the impact of training programs on non-governmental organization (NGO) representatives, aiming to foster collaborative and participatory governance within the non-governmental sector. NGOs increasingly influence decision-making and the implementation of social programs through training programs designed for NGO workers, contributing to the creation of a sustainable and active civil society. Encouraging partners to actively share their knowledge and expertise is key to maintaining integration, trust, and equality in decision-making. This approach ensures greater integration, trust, and equality in decision-making. Ultimately, joint management and planning will only improve over time (Calò et al., 2024). The study employed a mixed-methods approach, combining a survey conducted among 225 NGOs with secondary data analysis of education programs designed specifically for NGOs. The findings highlight the crucial role of training initiatives in equipping NGO representatives with the necessary skills, knowledge, and mindset to effectively engage in collaborative decision-making processes and promote inclusive governance practices. Through the analysis of survey responses and examination of education program outcomes, key factors contributing to successful capacity-building efforts are identified, including tailored training content, interactive learning methodologies, and ongoing support mechanisms. The research provides insights into the significance of investing in training programs for NGO representatives and offers practical recommendations for designing effective training initiatives that can enable the development of collaborative and participatory governance within the NGO sector.

This paper examines the factor that has remained relatively unstudied in the literature, namely the influence of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in informing legislative developments in the Kurdistan region of Iraq (KRI) with emphasis on the Civil Society Law of 2011. Ultimately, filling an important gap in the literature, the study sought to explore the tactics that NGOs use towards the influencing of legislation especially within inter politic systems. Still, more work is required in clarifying the exact ways and tactics through which NGOs influenced this body of legislation, which has, certainly, affected civil society organizations. To collect desired data, this paper adopts a qualitative case study method with both interviews and documentary analysis to capture the strategies and experiences of the NGOs as well as the effects of the NGO engagements on policy making process from the perspective of the target beneficiaries from the Kurdistan parliamentary and non-governmental organizations. The paper is found that NGOs used lobbying, advocacy and alliances in the management of the civil society and the shaping of the Civil Society law. By thus applying the Interest Group Theory to the semi-autonomous regions of a developing country, this study enriches the approaches to analyzing civil society and governance. Thus, it has serious policy implications for countries with opaque governance structures for the need-to-know policymakers, NGOs, and international donors in the pursuit of more effective civil society participation in legal change.

In the context of weak or corrupt states, service provision through non-governmental organizations (NGOs) has offered a critical path for reaching otherwise underserved populations. Polarizing debate on whether NGOs strengthen or weaken state capacity continues, but misses the changing nature of NGO-state interactions. Subject to international funding streams and domestic government pressures, NGOs operate in a liminal space. This dissertation employs a qualitative, case study approach comprised of interviews with representatives of NGOs, intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), and government representatives, as well as content analysis and archival research to examine how NGOs navigate this uncertain political environment in Bangladesh. It is comprised of three empirical articles. In the first article, I investigate why organizations prioritize programs in rural areas versus urban areas, despite rapid urbanization and increased need in urban areas. I challenge past scholarship on urban bias by examining influences on resource allocation outside of the realm of the state and maintain that accounting for the role of non-state actors changes the landscape of resource allocation. Further, I argue that in the case of Bangladesh, spatialized political networks are facilitated by differing structures of government accountability and differing levels of community acceptance, thus influencing the location of non-state service provision. In the second article, I investigate why NGOs have recently shifted from social mobilization programs to service provision. Contrary to literature that emphasizes international influences on NGO agenda setting, I argue that the government's increasing regulation of international aid, and subsequent de-emphasis of politically oriented NGO activity, reflects the Bangladesh government's strategic attempts to consolidate power as they accentuate international aid paradigms' prioritization of economic growth, to the detriment of other aspects of development. Finally, in the third article I develop a model illustrating how governments mediate between international awareness following high profile events and domestic priorities, leading to narrowing, legitimizing, or proliferating NGO activities. In doing so, I further expand literature that typically emphasizes international influences on NGO agendas by investigating domestic policy priorities. Additionally, I extend policy literature on focusing events by accounting for contexts in which NGOs are vital service providers. I then use this model to analyze three policy domains in Bangladesh: garments workers' rights, terrorism, and climate change. I argue that international attention leads to a synergistic effect between international and domestic government priorities as the state mediates the interaction between international regimes and NGOs. This dissertation includes three different investigations into how NGOs set their agendas as they balance sub-national development priorities, restrictive national policies, and international funding paradigms simultaneously. Its cumulative findings suggest that though NGOs do fill in gaps, they are also influenced by the state in which they operate.

Restricting NGOs: From Pushback to Accommodation

BackgroundNorth Darfur State has been affected by conflict since 2003 and the government has not been able to provide adequate curative health services to the people. The government has come to rely on Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) to provide curative health services. This study was conducted to examine the existing collaboration between government and NGOs in curative health service delivery in North Darfur State, and to identify the challenges that affect their collaboration.MethodsDocumentary data were collected from government offices and medical organizations. Primary data were obtained through interviews with government and NGOs representatives. The interviews were conducted with (1) expatriates working for international NGOs (N=15) and (2), health professionals and administrators working in the health sector (N= 45).ResultsThe collaboration between the government and NGOs has been very weak because of security issues and lack of trust. The NGOs collaborate by providing human and financial resources, material and equipment, and communication facilities. The NGOs supply 70% of curative health services, and contribute 52.9% of the health budget in North Darfur State. The NGOs have employed 1 390 health personnel, established 44 health centres and manage and support 83 health facilities across the State.ConclusionThe NGOs have played a positive role in collaborating with the government in North Darfur State in delivering curative health services, while government’s role has been negative. The problem that faces the government in future is how health facilities will be run should a peaceful settlement be reached and NGOs leave the region.

This paper applies the international environmental negotiations framework (IENF) and the multiple streams framework (MSF) to analyze the influence of Nongovernmental Organizations (NGOs) and International Development Agencies (IDAs) in the development and implementation of the Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade agreement (FLEGT) and the Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) regimes in Cameroon. Deforestation, forest degradation, and illegal logging are critical issues in forest management in many forest-rich countries around the world. In attempt to curtail illegal logging, global forest governance in the past few years has witnessed the development of a number of timber legality regimes including FLEGT. In the same light, the international community has recently seen the emergence of the REDD+ regime to fight against global warming and climate change. Based on sixty-eight interviews in Cameroon with representatives of NGOs and IDAs, government officials, the timber industry, and members of forest communities, as well as eleven informal conversations, and more than sixty documents, the paper finds that NGO and IDA influence on the FLEGT and REDD+ regimes in Cameroon has been growing in three areas: stakeholder participation, project development, and institutional development. Thus, the increasing influence of NGOs and IDAs will pave the way for future interventions on social, cultural, economic, and environmental issues, including land tenure, carbon rights, benefit distribution, equity, Free, Prior and Informed consent, legality, and stakeholder process, related to the FLEGT and REDD+ regimes in Cameroon.

How ‘engaged’ are oil companies and non-governmental organizations (NGOs)? Are the relationships between these actors exclusively and energetically adversarial, or have new forms of interaction emerged? This paper focuses on Corporate – NGO engagement during major oil and gas (O&G) projects and suggests some developing models for mutually valuable relationships. The paper also offers recommendations for project managers based on ‘field experience’ working with NGOs and companies on some of the world's largest oil and gas projects. Expectations have continued to rise over recent years regarding how major O&G projects analyze, manage and communicate about their social and environmental performance. NGOs are among the most interested and active stakeholders, particularly with regards to projects located in developing regions, and those undertaken in countries with poor governance, financial transparency and human rights records. Around the world, NGOs increasingly expect meaningful and prolonged company engagement. No longer is it typical that a government-issued permit marks the sole purpose of, and mutually satisfactory end to project-driven stakeholder engagement. NGO and O&G company relationships are commonly portrayed as a tug-of-war, a battle of opposing sides. But while some ‘watch-dog’ NGOs are quite adamantly and categorically opposed to oil companies and associated projects, this strident position is far from universal. Increasingly one can find recognition among civil society actors that O&G projects are often uniquely positioned to make significant positive contributions to local development. Many NGO representatives would agree with the assessment of a researcher who noted that oil and gas "footprints can be seen in developing countries in the transfer of foreign direct investment (FDI), skills, and technology; as major employers of labour; and accounting for a large proportion of state revenue. Their contribution to development in many countries via programmes in education, health, commerce, agriculture, transport, construction, etc., cannot be ignored."

The Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) marks a unique point in the history of global health governance. This convention produced the first legally binding treaty under the auspices of the World Health Organization. Another first was the extent to which non-governmental organizations (NGOs) participated in the negotiation process. This article explores the relationship between one group of NGOs and their respective government during the negotiation of the FCTC. Documentary analyses and 18 individual in-depth interviews were conducted with both government and NGO representatives. In contrast to the polar perspectives of idealism (NGOs as unique and autonomous) and realism (NGOs as funded arms of the government), our findings suggest that neither opposition nor conformity on the part of the NGOs characterize the relationship between the NGOs and government. While specific to the case under study (the FCTC), our findings nonetheless indicate the need for a nuanced view of the relationship between governments and NGOs, at least during the process of multilateral health policy negotiations.

Conflict in North Darfur state, Western Sudan started in 2003, and the delivering of curative health services was becoming a greater challenge for the country's limited resources. NGOs have played an important role in providing curative health services. To examine the role that Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have played in providing curative health services, as well as to identify the difficulties and challenges that affect NGOs in delivering curative health services. Secondary data was collected from different sources, including government offices and medical organizations in Sudan and in North Darfur state. Primary data was obtained through interviews with government and NGOs representatives. The interviews were conducted with (1) expatriates working for international NGOs (N=15) (2) health professionals and administrators working in health sector (N= 45) in the period from November 2010 to January 2011. The government in North Darfur state spent 70% of its financial budget on security, while it spent it less than 1% on providing health services. The international NGOs have been providing 70% of curative health services to the State's population by contributing 52.9% of the health budget and 1 390 health personnel. Since 2003 NGOs have provided technical assistance to the health staff. As a result, more than fifty nurses have been trained to provide care and treatment, more than twenty-three doctors have been trained in laboratory equipment operation, and approximately six senior doctors and hospital directors have received management training. NGOs have been managing and supporting 89 public health facilities, and established 24 health centres in IDP camps, and 20 health centres across all the districts in North Darfur state. The NGOs have played an important role in providing curative health services and in establishing good health facilities, but a future problem is how the government will run these health facilities after a peaceful settlement has been reached which might cause NGOs to leave the region.

The value of secondary use of data generated by non-governmental organisations for disaster risk management research: Evidence from the Caribbean

The article is devoted to the study of the processes of legal status obtaining by immigrants in Ukraine in the period before the full-scale aggression of Russia. The purpose of this article is to identify problems and mechanisms of legal status obtaining by this group of persons. The novelty of the article lies in the conceptualization of patterns of obtaining the legal status by immigrants. In the process of working on the article, survey methods, semi-structured interviews, participant observation, focus groups, and self-registration methods were used. Empirical data for preparing the article were obtained in the study “Migrants with irregular status in Ukraine” carried out within the framework of the EU-funded and IOM-implemented project “Migration and Asylum Management Support in Ukraine” (IMMIS). The survey was conducted among experts (leaders of immigrant communities, civil servants, representatives of non-governmental and international organizations dealing with migrant issues) and immigrants. The selection criteria for immigrants were the absence of Ukrainian citizenship, continuous stay in Ukraine for at least two-month period, and reaching the age of majority. The study revealed two ways for immigrants to fall into an unregulated situation: violation of the rules of entry into Ukraine and expiration of the stay period determined by visa or other document. The widespread experience, at least temporary, of proper legal status absence among immigrants is empirically proven. For instance, more than a third (38.6 %) of the interviewed immigrants, who at the time of the interview had the necessary documents for their stay in Ukraine, admitted that they had been in an unregulated legal status for some time in the past. This situation occurred among representatives of different gender, age and educational groups. The key institution for regulating the legal status of foreigners in Ukraine is the State Migration Service. The study revealed several scenarios of contacting the migration service in the process of obtaining documents. A little more than half of the interviewees applied to the migration service on their own, others used the help of intermediaries. The interviewees predominantly cooperated with representatives of international and non-governmental organizations (UNHCR, Right to Protection, HIAS, Rokada). Rarely, individuals were referred to the migration service by familiar Ukrainians or compatriots. The post-war revival of Ukraine should include the modernization of the State Migration Service activity in order to improve the practice of regulating the legal status of foreigners.

Healthcare is fundamental to the prosperity of society, demanding a relentless commitment to delivering effective and accessible services. In Sindh Province, the challenge of ensuring high-quality healthcare is exacerbated by limited government funding and inadequate health infrastructure, hindering access to vital services for the masses. This calls for a strategic revaluation of approaches, where Non- Governmental Organizations (NGOs) play a pivotal role in bridging the healthcare gap and alleviating the government's delivery challenges. This qualitative study explores the enhancement of healthcare project outcomes within NGOs in Sindh through the adoption of structured project management practices and an examination of project governance to overcome obstacles and amplify impact. A noteworthy focus is the collaborative dynamic between NGOs and government health departments, assessing how this partnership can be harnessed to address challenges and significantly boost the effectiveness of NGO-led health projects. Through semi-structured interviews with NGO representatives, international donors, and Sindh government health officials, and employing thematic analysis, this research uncovers actionable strategies for optimizing NGO-government collaborations, aiming to substantially improve the delivery and impact of health initiatives across the province. This investigation thus contributes valuable insights into improving healthcare provision by spotlighting the transformative potential of strategic NGO-government partnerships in enhancing public health outcomes.

In this paper, we examine the changing landscape of migration policy work conducted by civil society organisations (CSOs) in the Czech Republic. We focus on how funding opportunities affect CSOs’ policy work, long-term planning and everyday practices. Through a qualitative analysis of 15 interviews with representatives of non-governmental organisations and 11 interviews with policy stakeholders, we explored the critical and reflexive strategies adopted by CSOs. A crucial role in developing critical capacity seems to stem from umbrella organisations—organisations whose members are organisations. With respect to CSOs’ strong dependency on the state, umbrella organisations might serve as shields protecting individual organisations from direct conflicts with governmental policies and institutions. In the end, we assume that meta-organisations potentially function as important vehicles for the reflexive development and evolution of organisations and decrease transaction costs for the organisation field.

Business schools are more and more thinking about innovative ways to integrate sustainability into the curriculum. The Summer School Sustainable Management was developed by the close collaboration between three Belgian organizations, i.e., KU Leuven, a university, Odisee, University College, an institution for higher education of professional level, and VOKA Oost-Vlaanderen, a chamber of commerce, with that particular aim. Participants came from institutions of higher education, companies, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The delegates were especially attracted by the format of the summer school, i.e., people coming from diverse backgrounds working together on a sustainable challenge formulated by SMEs. The most important conclusion is that solving real-world learning cases by a diverse group composed of students, managers, and NGOs representatives is helpful for fostering collaborative competencies, on the condition that the group is as diverse as possible. Moreover, students are eager to attend when they can add this experience to their academic portfolio or when they can gain credits. Managers and NGOs representatives will be motivated to participate when the summer school is limited in time and when the sustainable challenges are of relevance to them. When several alternative learning approaches are integrated, a summer school can also stimulate the competency for creativity, critical thinking, and interdisciplinary work.

Subject and purpose of work: The article presents the role of social relations between organic farmers and organic farming environment (representatives of local government, non-governmental organizations) in the development of organic farming in the Świdwin County. The aim of the paper is to explore the role of local leader and social capital in the process of organic the farming development in selected geographical area. Materials and methods: The research is based on both the analysis of existing data and the results of the study (Individual In-depth Interviews - IDIs and Focus Group Interview - FGI) carried out in 2016 with organic farmers and organic farming stakeholders incl. representatives of local government and non-governmental organizations. Results: The study shows a positive correlation between high level of social capital and a strong sector of organic farming. The key significance is given to a local leader activity. Conclusions: The development of a close network of social relations between organic farmers, and between organic farmers and their environment (representatives of local government and non-governmental organizations) determines the development of a strong sector of organic farming in the area. An important condition for the organic farming development is also recognition of this type of resources by the local authorities.