Worlding a Peripheral Museum, Evental Time in the Middle East, and the Fabulation of the People-to-Come

The retention of information represents a defining trait of cognitive systems. The primary function of an organism’s memory is to retain engrams of unique experiences for extended periods, without interrupting memory trace during new learning processes. One of the cardinal unsolved issues in neuroscience lies in unveiling the mechanisms responsible for long-term memory. Despite this, a trustworthy experimental animal model for single-trial long-term memory remains undeveloped. To address this challenge, we aimed to create an animal model to study lifelong memory formation with a single trial. We used a mouse model of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) for this purpose [1]. In this model, mice exposed to a powerful electrical foot shock develop highly persistent traumatic memories, which results in long-term behavioral changes [1]. Our hypothesis was that this model could uncover the mechanisms related to lifelong memory. The primary rationale for adopting the PTSD model as a model of lifelong memory pertains to the heightened durability of traumatic memories in comparison to conventional aversive memories [2]. Protein synthesis inhibitors, which are needed for long-term memory consolidation, can be used as amnesic agents to evaluate memory stability [3]. In a PTSD model using predator scent, the administration of a protein synthesis blocker prior to a traumatic experience disrupts the development of PTSD in mice [4]. However, it remains unclear how traumatic memory impairment affects PTSD development in the footshock model and whether the impairment persists long-term. Based on the evidence that the formation of PTSD necessitates the consolidation of associative memory, which is reliant on protein synthesis and coincides with changes in the stress response system, Siegmund and Watzhek [1] present a two-part proposal concerning the onset of PTSD. The two-part hypothesis regarding PTSD posits that PTSD formation involves sensory conditioning and sensitization processes that mutually reinforce one another. In line with this theorem, we considered the effects of studying context and exposure timing on the development of post-traumatic stress disorder, as it could potentially interfere with sensory conditioning formation [5]. The aim of this study is to create an experimental approach for developing enduring long-term memory through a single trial event on adult mice. We methodically analyzed behavioral expressions and the endurance of normal and traumatic fear memory, as well as their sensitivity to protein synthesis inhibition. Additionally, we investigated the effects of separating the timing of the associative and aversive elements of traumatic memory on PTSD development in a mouse model. The experiment involved male C57Bl/6 mice, aged between 3–4 months and 15–18 months (for an investigation into aged mice), which were placed in an electrified chamber. After 170 seconds, the mice experienced either one footshock (1.5 mA, 2 s) to elicit fear memory or three footshocks (1.5 mA, 10 s) for PTSD induction. After receiving the footshock, the mouse was held in the chamber for 60 seconds before being returned to its home cage. A memory test was conducted seven days later by placing the mice back in the same context. To assess the existence of standard PTSD symptoms, like sensitization and generalization, the creatures were exposed to an unfamiliar context and an unexpected auditory stimulus, respectively. In the experiment, animals were placed in unfamiliar or familiar safe contexts that differed from their previous ones. The duration of freezing was measured to assess fear and evaluate memory retention, sensitization, and generalization. Anxiety levels were evaluated using the elevated plus maze test. In the process of constructing a highly stable long-term memory model, we evaluated the behavioral performance of PTSD-induced (PTSD), fear-conditioned (FC), and active control (AC) groups of animals at 7 days, 1 month, and 3 months after exposure. As a result of PTSD induction, mice displayed increased fear levels for up to 3 months in the training context, along with heightened fear sensitization and generalization at 7 days following exposure, relative to the FC and AC groups. The PTSD group exhibited heightened freezing behavior within a month and a decreased number of entries to the closed arms during the initial three months following exposure when contrasted with the FC and AC groups. We additionally noted that the FC group displayed raised fear levels in contrast to the control animals up to 3 months post-exposure, albeit lower in magnitude than that of the PTSD group. The FC group, similar to the PTSD group, showed increased sensitization and generalization compared to control animals at 1 week post-exposure, but to a lesser extent than we observed in the PTSD group. The findings suggest that traumatic memory remains present for a minimum of three months, whereas fear memory in the fear conditioning paradigm diminishes in intensity during this time. Hence, PTSD induction effectively functions as an animal model of profoundly stable long-term memory, in opposition to the fear conditioning paradigm. As the high stable long-term memory model is designed for testing in senior animals, the impact of aging on traumatic memory formation and storage becomes an important inquiry at six months and one year following exposure. We analyzed the formation of both aversive and traumatic memory in mice aged 15–18 months, one week after footshock exposure. In the study involving older mice, the PTSD group exhibited increased levels of fear memory and sensitization when compared with both the FC and AC groups, in addition to displaying higher levels of generalization and anxiety when compared with the AC group. Furthermore, mice that underwent rear-conditioning showed heightened levels of fear during learning, fear sensitization, and generalization, although not anxiety. These findings demonstrate the formation of traumatic and aversive memory in aged mice, indicating that conducting memory tests six months and a year after exposure is an appropriate approach. To evaluate the durability of traumatic and aversive memory, we administered a protein synthesis inhibitor called cycloheximide (Chm) to interfere with memory formation. Mice were given a cycloheximide solution (95 mg/kg) via intraperitoneal injection 30 minutes before footshock (Chm-PTSD and Chm-FC groups) while control animals received a saline injection (Sal-PTSD, Sal-FC). After training, the Chm-FC group displayed a decrease in freezing rate when compared to the saline-injected group at the 7- and 30-day marks. The Chm-PTSD group exhibited fear levels comparable to those of the Sal-FC group in the training context, and did not display sensitization or generalization of fear. These findings suggest that inhibiting protein synthesis during memory formation resulted in complete amnesia for standard aversive memory and merely weakened traumatic memory. As a result, only the associative component of traumatic memory remained intact, while nonspecific symptoms of PTSD were absent. The strong resilience of memory in the PTSD model to severe disruptions, such as protein synthesis blockade, also confirms its stability, which facilitates exploration of lifelong memory mechanisms in the PTSD model. To examine the timing effect of the associative and aversive component of PTSD development, we evaluated traumatic memory formation when contextual memory formation was absent, and contextual exploration occurred three days before shock cessation. A week after exposure to immediate and intense footshock, mice in the experimental group exhibited lower levels of fear, reduced fear sensitization, and less anxiety compared to those in the PTSD-induced group. If an intense foot shock was preceded by a contextual study three days earlier, the animals exhibited lower levels of fear in an unfamiliar, safe context, and reduced anxiety compared to the mice induced with PTSD. In both cases, the fear level after the shock cessation was identical to that of the mice who experienced an immediate, moderate shock. Based on our findings, we concluded that aversive memory forms in the absence or prior formation of contextual memory in relation to traumatic exposure. However, PTSD induction does not occur under such circumstances. This indicates that contextual memory needs to be formed simultaneously with the traumatic event for the development of traumatic memory in the mouse model of PTSD. In summary, our findings indicate that aversive memory tends to fade over time, while traumatic memory remains stable for a minimum of 3 months following its induction. Therefore, PTSD proves to be a fitting candidate laboratory model for high, stable, and long-term memory. Aged mice aged between 15–18 months display the formation of traumatic memory and experience PTSD symptoms in a manner similar to adult animals aged between 3–4 months in the PTSD model. For the induction of PTSD in mice, contextual memory formation about the traumatic environment and the traumatic event occurrence may coincide, which is crucial.

In therapy, clients sometimes repeatedly recall their traumatic memories to, among other things, resolve the incoherence said to underlie distress. But the literature is silent on the extent to which people’s memories for traumatic and nontraumatic memories cohere over repeated recall compared with similar “control” memories not repeatedly recalled. We asked people to watch two films portraying traumatic or nontraumatic events and then to repeatedly describe their memory for one of those films over 5 days. Our data suggest repeatedly recalling traumatic and nontraumatic memories prevents the loss of coherence that occurs when memories are not repeatedly recalled. There was little evidence of incoherent traumatic memories or of a relation between the coherence of traumatic memories and posttraumatic-stress-disorder (PTSD) symptoms. These findings suggest that when it comes to PTSD, the effectiveness of exposure therapy is not easily explained by the notion that therapy resolves incoherent traumatic memories.

Distressing and intrusive reexperiencing of the trauma is a hallmark symptom of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD; American Psychiatric Association, 1994). However, unwanted memories of trauma are not a sign of pathology per se. In the initial weeks after a traumatic experience, intrusive memories are common. For most trauma survivors, intrusions become less frequent and distressing over time. A central question for understanding and treating patients with PTSD is therefore what maintains distressing intrusive reexperiencing in these people. Three factors appear to be important: (1) memory processes responsible for the easy triggering of intrusive memories, (2) the individuals’ interpretations of their trauma memories, and (3) their cognitive and behavioral responses to trauma memories.

In Hollywood film and narrative television, we often see filmmakers bestow narratives of personal tragedy, trauma and loss upon their protagonists. Whether or not this is seen as a time-tested and efficient literary device or as a hackneyed and superficial representation of trauma, it is undeniably one of the most recurrent tropes of characterization in narrative film. Exploring the traumatic past of a troubled protagonist is routinely used as an attempt to enhance audiences’ understanding of a character, affording us insights into their motivations, flaws and desires. Such narratives are equally used to account for the actions of unpardonable antagonists and antiheroes as Jeffrey Bullins reminds us [1] and, quite often, this “dark and troubled past” idiom simply serves filmmakers as a convenient means of narrative exposition. Pelin Başci describes this latter quality and the intersecting narrative frames it can afford a film, whereby diary entries, therapy sessions and other...

The present paper aims to offer a critical analysis of the literature on emotional and traumatic memories. First, some definitions of the concepts of emotional and traumatic event are reported as they can help to clarify the main differences between these two classes of events. Then, the main theoretical and empirical perspectives on emotional and traumatic memory are examined, paying special attention to recent research investigating similarities and differences between emotional and traumatic memories either in normal or psychopathological subjects. Overall, findings from this research line provide inconsistent indications about the psychological mechanisms involved in long-term memory for emotional and traumatic events. The author discusses limitations that characterize this field of investigation, suggesting new research directions and identifying their practical implications.

In the present study, we investigated the characteristics of memories concerning both traumatic events (war-related memories) and positive life events (happy memories) in a group of Palestinian students who were victims of war and military violence. An ad hoc questionnaire was developed to explore differences in how the traumatic and happy events were recalled, both in relation to the actual events experienced and in relation to their phenomenological features in autobiographical memory. Traumatic memories were observed to be richer in sensory characteristics, more vivid, and generally more detailed; the emotions associated with traumatic episodes were more intense and played a key role in recall, as did recurrent thoughts and discussion of events and post-event autobiographical memories. In sum, traumatic memories are more complex than non-traumatic ones given their more sensory and analogical nature, which can also undermine accuracy of recall. The clinical implications of these findings and possible directions for future research are discussed.

This study analyses the socio-political life of two traumatic events, namelyapartheid in South Africa and genocide in Rwanda. It specifi es the scope of their individual, collective and political memory and the ways through which that memory structures people’s representations, determines social relations and infl uences political life. It shows that in both contexts, memory constitutes a major stake for the building of the new social order and for political legitimisation. As traumatic events, apartheid and genocide have come to be regarded as sacred. They have become fetish and still to becommemorated as historic landmarks of collective memory. However, there is a great difference in the usage and management of (traumatic) memory in the two contexts.

According to most post‐traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) theories, memory mechanisms are involved in its development and maintenance. However, the specific memory characteristics responsible for this disorder are still not well known. In the present study, 210 participants having reported at least one traumatic experience were assigned to a PTSD or to a non‐PTSD symptom profile group. Both groups rated their memories for their most traumatic and intense positive life events. We observed that the traumatic memories of PTSD profile participants were more clear, detailed and judged as significant compared with those of the non‐PTSD profile group. However, participants in the first group acknowledged having more difficulties putting their traumatic memories into words and controlling these remembrances. These differences were absent in their positive memories. Additionally, clear relationships emerged between memory ratings and PTSD symptoms measures. Results are discussed according to fragmentation and superiority views of traumatic memories in PTSD. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

This qualitative study investigated how Holocaust survivors managed to lead “normal” lives after experiencing incomprehensible horror. It was based on structural dissociation theory (O. Van der Hart, E. R. S. Nijenhuis, & K. Steele, 2006), which postulates that when people encounter traumatic events that they cannot integrate into their ongoing mental lives, their personalities may divide into 2 distinct action systems: the apparently normal part of the personality (ANP; involving systems that manage functions of daily life) and the emotional part of the personality (EP; involving systems related to the traumatic memory). Failure to integrate also leads to nonrealization of the traumatic experience. Research participants were 20 people randomly selected from the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum's oral history archives. Their interviews were analyzed in terms of structural dissociation and nonrealization in order to develop a narrative about the stages of their post-war lives. In the 1st stage (Surviving the Camps: Formation of Traumatic Memories), the experience of surviving the camps created traumatic emotional memories. In the 2nd stage (Post-War Adjustment: Creating the ANP by Splitting Off the Traumatic Memories Into an EP), survivors' desire to create a normal post-war life led them to split off their traumatic memories. In the 3rd stage (Developing the Motivation to Remember), survivors' changed life context motivated them to confront the previously split-off material. In the 4th stage (Creating a Historical Self: Integration of the ANP and EP), survivors integrated past experience into their lives, although the impact of the trauma never fully disappeared.

The Fate of Early Memories: Developmental Science and the Retention of Childhood Experiences

The significance of moral conflicts that emerge during traumatic events and their influence on posttraumatic stress (PTS) and related symptoms are increasingly recognised. However, characteristics of the memories of these conflicts and how central these memories are within autobiographical memory remain largely unclear. In this study, students recalling trauma memories with a moral conflict were compared to students whose trauma memories did not include a moral conflict, in terms of the event-centrality of the trauma memory, memory characteristics, current emotional distress, and PTS. Additionally, we examined to what extent event-centrality was associated with PTS and memory characteristics. Participants recalling trauma memories with a moral conflict referred to these memories as more central, self-defining, and were more often recalled from observer perspective with greater self-distance compared to participants recalling trauma memories without moral conflict. The former group experienced more shame, guilt, disgust, and horror during the traumatic event and reported more PTS and current emotional distress. Event-centrality was positively correlated with PTS. This study highlights that event-centrality and memory characteristics play an important role in trauma memories with moral conflict.

Memory for traumatic experiences in early childhood

Children′s Memory for Early Experience

Narrating Violence, Narrating Self: Exodus and Collective Identity in Early Rabbinic Literature

The Swedish Prime Minister Goran Persson initiated the Taskforce for International Cooperation on Holocaust Education, Remembrance, and Research in 1998 after visiting a Nazi concentration camp and...