WOMEN'S POLITICAL REPRESENTATION IN THE GERINDRA PARTY FACTION OF THE CENTRAL JAVA LEGISLATURE: AN ANALYSIS OF AFFIRMATIVE ACTION POLICIES AND THE OBSTACLES FACED

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The Institutional Modernization of the Central Java Gerindra Party is interesting to study because the Gerindra Party is a new party that has a significant voting trend in Central Java, after PDIP. The objective of this study is to describe institutional modernization in Gerindra Party of Central Java and to analyze the obstacles to modernization within the Central Java Gerindra Party. The research method used was a qualitative method with descriptive analysis. The location of this research was the scope of the Central Java Gerindra Party DPD and the Central Java Gerindra Party wing. The research design used a descriptive research design with a qualitative approach. Data collection techniques used in-depth interviews and documentation. The informants consisted of the Chairperson of the Central Java Party DPD, Deputy Chair of the Central Java Party DPD, Secretary General of the Central Java Gerindra Party DPD, Chair of the Organization, Membership and Cadreization, Chair of the Women's Division, Chair of the Empowerment of Sayap Organizations, Members of Sayap (Indonesia Raya Gerindra Volunteer Unit) SATRIA Gerindra Voters or supporters of Gerindra Party. Gerindra Party has experienced modernization in the areas of access to open information and financial transparency, application of a democratic ideology, gradual regeneration, and preparation for leadership rotation through the party regeneration process. The institutional modernization of Gerindra Party was still hampered by the lack of respect for female cadres and the personalization of Gerindra figures who were only focused on certain people.

Political parties, as a democratic institution, have a strategic role in empowering women in politics. One of the crucial roles of the party is to guide women party cadres to be prepared to become qualified women cadres and, at the same time to boost women representation in politics, especially in the legislative body. Women representation in politics is needed because society needs to have balanced views between the needs of men and women. Besides, the formulated public policy must also represent the interests of both. This type of research is qualitative research as a socio-legal research by expressing symptoms thoroughly and by the context through collecting data from the field and interacting directly with the two parties in the City of Salatiga, namely the Gerindra Party and the Nasdem Party, as well as candidates women from both parties. The policy adopted by the Gerindra Party and the Nasdem Party by applying the open and closed recruitment method has resulted in the fulfillment of a 30% quota for women’s representation so that the implication of the Gerindra and Nasdem Party legislative candidates has been determined as a permanent candidate in the 2019 concurrent elections.

FEMINISM AND THE CHANGING STATE

Women's representation in party executive structures in Nigeria has been largely marginal. There are visible proofs of women’s underrepresentation in the internal structure of political parties concerning their party politics and this appears to be a major setback to the realization of 35% Affirmative Action, whereas also, the 35% Affirmative Action which has been purported without verifiable success appears to be a limiting influence to the national potentials of women in shoring up their participation in politics. The import of all these has largely informed the accelerated demand for greater inclusion of women in political decisions and increased presence in the political sphere. This paper is undertaken to review some of these challenges and to suggest some alternatives to broadening the horizon for women's participation to expand first, the space for women's participation within the internal executive/leadership structures of political parties and by extension, the larger body polity of the country. The paper made use of secondary sources of data as the major source of data for the study. The secondary sources adopted include documented materials from research previously conducted by scholars in the field such as textbooks, online materials, journals, conference papers, government publications and official documents of major political parties in Nigeria which aided me in gaining a better insight into internal party politics and women participation in Nigeria and related African and Asian counties and the method of investigation used for this study is content analysis The paper argues that the involvement of women in party politics is likely impeded by the traditional structure of internal party executives. It concludes that emphasis be placed on the complementarity of roles between men and women especially within the internal structures of political parties, this is to create a balance in political decision-making within the parties’ executive structures going forward.

At the dawn of the 21st century, a "critical mass" of educated, enlightened, and empowered Muslim women have emerged around the world. Their fundamental questions about Islam and women may help in transforming Islamic laws and bringing about modern, egalitarian Muslim societies. In this research, I argue that Muslim women scholar-activists are playing a key role in the reinterpretation of their religion and the modernization of their societies. This study probes and explores a complex, evolving, transnational Muslim dialogue about gender equality, in which the underlying concern is about empowering Muslim women to claim the public sphere as their medium of struggle for justice and inclusion. The study argues that this emerging public sphere projects attributes of civility, engagement, pluralism and voluntary participation. Muslim women activism redefines the public role of religion in motivating people to engage in what, in democratic theory, is referred to as the "politics of presence", as distinct from the "politics of representation". Their critical discourse demonstrates that Islam is not isolated from the more general endeavors searching for new mechanisms for democratic presence. To provide insights into the significance of the "new" form of Muslim dialogic engagement and activism, the study advocates the need to broaden our political imagination to incorporate religious perspectives as well as alternative (discursive) forms and spaces of politics that were previously overlooked because they did not fit a predetermined, Westphalian notion of the 'political'. This dissertation concludes that in order to counter the dialectical dynamics of hegemony and extremism that define and regulate the rhetoric of Muslim women's liberation, Muslim women scholar-activists are engaged in new transnational discursive practices and spaces. Muslim women are engaged in redefining Islam as well as creating a post-statist, post-hegemonic, post-national, and transnational or "translocal" public space. Not only Muslim women are redefining the normative tenets of Islam, but they are redefining the normative content of a global civil society and a peaceful global ethos as well.

In Australia, both the prohibition of sex discrimination in employment and the promotion of equal employment opportunity have a legislative base. At the federal level, the Sex Discrimination Act 1984 (SDA) proscribes both direct and indirect discrimination in the workplace. While the SDA purports to promote the equality of men and women, the measure of compliance is an individual one that is only really tested when a complainant lodges a formal complaint. The Equal Opportunity for Women in the Workplace Act 1999 (EOWA) is, like its predecessor the former Affirmative Action (Equal Opportunity for Women) Act 1986 (AAA), aimed at promoting equal employment opportunity (EEO) and eliminating discrimination in nongovernment organisations of more than 100 employees. The emphasis is on selfregulation and compliance is measured only in terms of the preparation of an equal opportunity program as evidenced by the submission of an annual report.

This study aims to analyze political campaign strategies through online newspaper media in shaping the popularity of the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) members from the Gerindra Party in Electoral District 9 of West Java (Bekasi Regency) during the 2024 General Election. The main focus of this research is the use of local online media, particularly Radar Bekasi, in supporting the visibility and electability of legislative candidates. Online media is chosen for its ability to reach the public widely, quickly, and interactively, especially among young voters, the middle class, and urban communities. A qualitative descriptive approach with a case study method was used, involving in-depth interviews, observations, and documentation of elected candidates and campaign content published in the media. The findings show that consistent use of Radar Bekasi (1–2 times per month) significantly increased candidates' popularity through news coverage, advertorials, opinion articles, and reports on socio-political activities. Seven key factors influencing the effectiveness of this strategy include media reach, credibility, limitations of face-to-face campaigns, interactivity, public perception, digital media consumption trends, and editorial professionalism. The study also reveals a mutualistic relationship between candidates and local media in the campaign context. It is concluded that online newspaper media serves not only as an information platform but also as a strategic actor in shaping political image and legitimacy at the local level. These findings highlight the importance of digital media in modern campaign strategies that are adaptive and grounded in the power of political communication.

Over the past decade, a large number of studies have shown that in advanced democracies policymakers are more likely to represent the preferences of high-income citizens than the preferences of low-income citizens. In a quest to understand this income bias in substantive representation, several authors have recently suggested that the persistent descriptive underrepresentation of low-income groups in policymaking institutions may explain why political decisions so frequently are skewed toward the preferences of the affluent. However, although this is a plausible explanation, many previous studies dealing with the consequences of descriptive representation have failed to find an effect of policymakers’ incomes or social class backgrounds on their behavior in office. In this essay, we argue that descriptive representation may indeed have an effect on policymaking, yet for it to be consequential three necessary conditions must be satisfied.

The role of women in Indonesia's political parties shows that women can take part in government regulatory decisions. However, women's representation in formal political institutions is still quite limited; the low representation is due to profound structural and cultural barriers. According to the Inter-Parliamentary Union, women's representation in Indonesia has never reached the target of 30% according to the provisions of Law number 2 of 2008 concerning political parties; even in the last five years, data shows that women's representation is only above 20%. This study specifically explores the role of patriarchal culture and the subordination of women in the political decision-making process as the leading causes. This study uses the normative juridical method by analysing data from legal literature sources and reviewing literature through transformative shorts to find the root cause of women's lack of representation in politics. The results of the study show that the lack of representation of women is due to a patriarchal culture created from the collective mindset of the community. The subordination of women in the political constellation is realised due to a lack of understanding from a managerial point of view and explicitly considers it difficult for women to make decisions because it always involves emotions. Thus, systematic efforts are needed through the SEP framework, Self-awareness, Education, Politics, and Promotion, to change public perceptions of the role of women, as well as reforms in political party structures and decision-making processes.

The implementation of affirmative quota policies by political structures, especially political parties as one of the elements of the political infrastructure, has provided the widest possible opportunity for women to be directly involved in the political process, such as becoming members of parliament to carry out over sight, budgeting, and legislative functions: the making and policymaking and political decisions. This research examines how women in the family path of the 2019’s election results, on the one hand, their faces are seen as political representatives of women in parliament, but on the other hand, they are also seen as representatives of the interests of party oligarchy in parliament. We explored the filling of affirmative quotas for female parliamentary candidates from the family line by political parties which allowed us to identify women parliamentarians from the family line as having two faces, namely as women's political representatives as well as party political representatives. In a stronger party oligarchy, we argue that filling the affirmative quota of female parliamentary candidates from the family line apart from being urged by the affirmative quota policy for 30%women's political representation, is also motivated by the interests of party oligarchy. We adopt the thoughts of Anne Phillips (1991) about the politics of presence which sees that women's representation in parliament starts from the number, not from the policies they produce.

Through political parties, women can actually fight for their interests in all fields, especially in the political field, so that political parties become one of the important factors that can determine women's political participation and political representation. Those who know women's needs are wo

Observing the dynamics of existing coalitions, the 2024 presidential election allows for the formation of four coalition axes. As of today, the United Indonesia Coalition (KIB) is the first coalition to be declared in June 2022. Holding 26.82% of the DPR seats, the Golkar Party, PAN and PPP are in a coalition to face the 2024 General Election (Pemilu) and Presidential Election (Pilpres). The Gerindra Party and PKB appear to be the second axis coalition with 23.66% of the DPR seats. Meanwhile, the combination of the Nasdem Party, PKS and Democratic Party which formed the Change Coalition was able to accumulate the largest number of votes with 28.35% of the DPR seats. As for the PDIP, even though it has not yet appeared to build a coalition with other parties, it has a presidential boarding pass threshold of 20% to directly advance in the presidential election without having to form a coalition with other parties. This research uses a descriptive method with a qualitative approach. Research Method This research uses a qualitative approach with problem research aimed at obtaining an in-depth and comprehensive description of a phenomenon experienced by research subjects. Discussion results Based on the results of mapping political party support, the KPU noted that the Advanced Indonesia Coalition (KIM), which supports Prabowo Subianto-Gibran Rakabuming Raka, is a political party coalition that has the most valid votes in the 2019 General Election results. The Advanced Indonesia Coalition has 59,762,053 votes. The decision to form a coalition with a political party which initially had opposing ideologies and nominate a candidate pair outside the cadre must ultimately be taken by the political party when it is about to advance in the contest. This is because the voting public in Indonesia is pragmatic. People look more at popular figures or the high electability of candidate pairs, rather than looking at the vision, mission or programs offered by political parties.

The breakthrough to achieve justice in the political field is the implementation of an affirmative action system, which is a system used globally to enable women to play their role, especially in the world of politics. The purpose of this research is to find out, analyze and explain what factors influence women's representation in the West Tulang Bawang Regency DPRD election results in 2019 and to find out, analyze and explain strategies for increasing women's representation in PDIP, Nasdem Party and Gerindra Party. As for those who became respondents in this study amounted to 7 people. The results of this research are 1) The factors that influence women's representation in the Legislative Election DPRD Tulang Bawang Barat Regency are 3 (three), namely political education, political communication and political culture and the most dominant factor influencing is "patriarchal culture" with the conclusion explanation as follows: The following: 1) Political education: political education efforts for legislative candidates, especially women, are not effectively implemented, this is due to time constraints and the reluctance of women legislative candidates to access and deepen knowledge about the world of politics, b) Political communication: political communication efforts the majority of legislative candidates only rely on the media mix and are less effective in direct political communication or interpersonal communication such as open campaigns or door to door. c) Political culture: patriarchal culture is still cultured, namely a culture that places women in a position that is always under men, is considered to have duties and responsibilities in domestic management of the household, namely kitchens, wells and mattresses. And 2) The strategy to increase women's representation in PDIP, Nasdem Party and Gerindra Party is carried out in 3 (three) ways, namely a) Increasing political education, b) Increasing political marketing and c) Increasing women's political participation.

This paper critically examined the women representation in Nigerian politics with particular reference to elective and ministerial positions. The objectives of this paper are to ascertain if there has been an improvement in women representation in political position, find out if the present women representation in political position has realized the affirmative action and identify the factors undermining the rise of women representation in political position in Nigeria. The liberal feminist theory was adopted as the framework for analysis. Data were collected through secondary source using the documentary method and the content analysis and the simple percentage method was adopted for data analysis. The paper revealed that there is no improvement in women representation in elective positions and ministerial positions and the level of women representation in politics has not realized the affirmative action. In addition, it was observed that issue of funding, insecurity, culture, male domination in political parties etc. posed challenge to the rise of women representation in Nigerian politics. The paper suggested for encouragement of women participation in politics, sensitization and enlightenment of the public for support of women representation in politics, reduction of electoral violence etc.