Women and Domestic Abuse

Children Witnessing Domestic and Family Violence: A Widespread Occurrence during the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) Pandemic

The pandemic paradox: The consequences of COVID‐19 on domestic violence

Domestic or intimate partner violence is alarmingly prevalent, and, for victims, a major contributor to depression, anxiety, and other forms of mental illness. Psychological problemsandpsychiatric syndromesoften are the antecedents of domestic violence for the perpetrator and also can be risk factors for becoming a victim. Remarkably, the two dominant mental health fields, psychiatry and clinical psychology—the ones charged with investigating and attending to the mind, brain, andbehavior—are largelyabsent fromdomestic violence research and intervention. More than one in three women and at least one in four men have been the victim of rape, physical violence, or stalking by an intimate partner (1). However, women are far more likely than men to experience severe sexual and physical violence from apartnerortobekilledbyone(1,2). IntheUnitedStates, intimate partnerhomicidesmakeupbetween40%and50%ofallmurders of women (3). Domestic violence crosses geographic and socioeconomic stratification, although studies indicate that lowerincomewomen in rural communities experience higher rates of violence and, specifically, sexual abuse (4, 5). Victims suffer from dramatic rates of depression, anxiety, and posttraumatic stress disorder,aswellassubstanceabuseandsuicidality(6–8).Arecent study based on a representativeU.S. sample ofmore than 25,000 adults indicatedthatnewonsetsofmajormentalhealthproblems were more than twice as common among those exposed to domestic violence in the past year than among nonvictims (9). Millionsofchildren—asmanyas 15million, according to some estimates—witness domestic violence each year (10). For male children there is a 1,000% greater risk of reproducing this violence in their own spousal relationships (11). A recent epidemiologic study found prior domestic violence victimization to bemore strongly associatedwith domestic violence perpetration than any other factor (12). Despite its prevalence in the general population, domestic violence is underrepresented in our consulting rooms in part because victims, and especially perpetrators, rarely voluntarily self-identifyorseektreatment(8, 13, 14).Shame,guilt, anddenial are obvious deterrents. These factors are often compounded by a sense of futility resulting from learned helplessness, and a profound unraveling of self-esteem (15). More practical considerations include fears for personal security, economic codependence, and the concerns that disclosure will trigger social services engagement, particularly child protection (8). Finally, disclosure represents a potential threat to the continuance of a romantic relationship, which, though abusive, involves emotional investment. Without experience handling domestic violence situations, clinicians can feel ill-prepared and deskilled, lacking knowledge about referral sources, emergent threats of bodily harm, and the accompanying legal and ethical obligations. This lack of presentation in clinical settings contributes to a “don’t ask” scenario (8). Since 1986, numerous medical institutions have advocated for domestic violence screening inroutinemedicalcare(16, 17); in2001, theAmerican Psychiatric Association followed suit. That same year, the AmericanPsychologicalAssociation’s IntimatePartner Abuse and Relationship Violence Working Group launched a curriculumon domestic violence but appears to have done little to foster relevant training in clinical interventions. Domestic violence is an exceptionally challenging clinical situation. Those in domestic violence relationships areat risk for repeating this experience, and likely have abuse or exposure to it in their backgrounds (11, 18), adding immense complexity to treatment. Thework presents unique challenges, including safety planning and patients’minimization of abuse, which may induce feelings of helplessness in the context of significant urgency anddanger (19–21). There noware targeted treatments for domestic violence intervention, such as Seeking Safety (22) and Child-Parent Psychotherapy (23), though few psychologists and psychiatrists are trained in them. Of course the question of how clinically to respond to perpetrators is a complicated one, independentof thenecessary legal consequences.However, treatment and prevention programs are emerging, such as the Melissa Institute for Violence Prevention and Treatment. Beyond the “professional counter-transference” is possibly a more personal one. Aggression is a fundamental human impulse, and violence a socially unacceptable manifestation of it. Underlying any violent interaction is the universal human struggle with aggression and its myriad complex antecedents: family and developmental history; self-esteem; power dynamics; fear of abandonment and humiliation; emotional regulation; impulse control; and the capacity for empathy, guilt, and remorse. The possibility that domestic

Chapter 1 - Introduction: The Role and Context of the CJ System The Primacy of the CJ System A. Have Multiple Goals of the CJ System led to a loss of clarity? B. Why Changes Occurred? PART I: CONTEXT OF THE PROBLEM Chapter 2 - Defining and Measuring Domestic Violence and its Impact A. What is Domestic Violence B. How Definitions Impact upon Measurement C. How Widespread is Domestic Violence: The Problem of Conflicing Studies D. What is the Incidence of Domestic Violence E. The Impact of Domestic Violence F. Is Stalking the Prototypical Offence on Dating Relationships? Chapter 3 - Risk Markers for Victims, Offenders, and Families A. Specialized Profile B. Risk Factors for Victims and the Phenomenon of Revictimization C. Risk Markers for Families and Sociological Based Theories of the Incidence of Domestic Violence Chapter 4 - Societal and Historical Factors in Domestic Violence A. Does Society Create an Atmosphere Conducive to Domestic Violence? B. Religion and Historical Perspectives C. The Context of Early American strategies and interventions D. Does History still Matter PART II: THE EVOLVING POLICE RESPONSE Chapter 5 - The Traditional Police Response and Early Innovations A. The Traditional Approach: Minimal Intervention B. Crisis Management C. Does Police Intervention Help? Chapter 6 - The Push for Greater Criminal Justice Intervention A. Political Pressure on the Criminal Justice System B. The Role of Research in Forcing Change C. Legal Liability as an Agent for Change Chapter 7 - The Development of State and Federal Legislation A. Domestic Violence Related Laws B. Specific Anti-Stalking Legislation C. The Federal Legislative Response Chapter 8 - The Increased Policy Preference for Arrest A. The Increasing Policy Preference for Arrest B. The Limits and Costs of Mandatory Arrest C. The Cost of Unintended Effects of Arrest D. The Diversity for the Victim Needs and Divergent Impacts of Madatory Arrest Chapter 9 - Factors Effecting Organizational Variations A. Situational and Incident Characteristics B. Police Evaluation of Victim Traits and Conduct C. Assailant Behavior and Demeanor D. Organizational Variations Among Police Departments E. The Importance of Training F. Domestic Violence in the Context of Community Policing Chapter 10 - Variations in Police Response to Domestic and Non-Domestic Violence A. Impact of Differential Police Interveintions PART III: WHAT HAPPENS AFTER ARREST? THE ROLE OF THE PROSECUTORS AND THE COURTS Chapter 11 - Classic Patterns of Non-Intervention by the Prosecutors and Courts A. The Victim's Experience B. Unique Factors Limiting Effectiveness of Prosecutors in Combating Domestic Violence C. The Impact of Pro-Arrest Practices: The Dilemma of Growing Caseloads D. Case Disposition by the Judiciary Chapter 12 - The Increased Role of Restraining and Protective Orders A. The Increasing Use of Protective Orders B. The Complex Problem of Re-Abuse C. Are there Other Avenues for Civil Court Relief of Violence? Chapter 13 - The Changing Prosecutorial Response A. Victim Support And Victim Advocacy Programs Within Prosecutor Offices B. No - Drop Policies C. Victims Charged with Child Endagerment D. Are there Alternate Models of Empowering Victims that Prosecutors can Follow? E. Can Comprehensive Prosecutorial Programs have an Impact on Domestic Violence: A Case Study Chapter 14 - Judicial Innovations: the First Steps Diversions from the Criminal Justice Systems A. The Lack of a Coordinated Response by the Judiciary B. Court Sponsored Diversions C. Court Sponsored Mediation Programs D. Batterer Intervention Programs Chapter 15 - Innovations in Judicial Processing and Disposition A. The Role of Specialized Domestic Courts B. Integrated Domestic Violence Case Management C. Integrated Coordinating Councils D. Do Integrated Programs Work?

BackgroundViolence against women is a major public health problem and a violation of women's human rights. Estimates published by WHO indicate that globally, about 1 in 3 (30%) of women worldwide have been subjected to either physical or sexual intimate partner violence. The Bangladesh Demographic and Health Survey (BDHS) 2007 found that over 50% of married women reported experiencing some form of intimate partner violence (IPV), including physical, sexual, or emotional abuse. This study attempts to understand the determinants of domestic physical violence for designing effective policies and interventions aimed at reducing domestic violence.MethodThis study uses cross-sectional secondary data from the Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS) 2019, focusing on physical assault among Bangladeshi women. The MICS is a nationally representative survey that collects data on various indicators including women’s health and physical assault. 969 out of 49,172 women faced domestic violence. Logistic regressions were used to determine significant determinants influencing domestic violence. We used women’s experience of domestic physical violence as the dependent variable and some related independent variables, e.g., women’s residence, wealth, higher education, different functional difficulties among women, husband’s polygamy, access to the internet etc.ResultThe study found that only 7% of domestic violence is reported to the police (Pearson Chi2 p-value < 0.001). There was significant variation across divisions. The highest prevalence of domestic violence was observed in Khulna (29%), followed by Rangpur (24%) and Dhaka (19%). Women’s residence (OR of those residing in urban area = 1.56, p-value < 0.100), wealth (OR = 0.656, p-value < 0.010), higher education (OR = 0.485*), different functional difficulties among women (OR = 1.320–1.758, p-value < 0.010), husband’s polygamy (OR = 2.132, p-value < 0.010), internet access (OR = 0.518, p-value < 0.010) were found significant determinants of domestic violence.ConclusionThe factors driving domestic violence among Bangladeshi women are multifaceted and context-dependent. While education, financial independence, and autonomy can act as protective factors, the interplay of traditional practices like dowry, gender norms, and socio-economic conditions creates a complex risk environment. This study highlights the importance of understanding how these factors evolve over a woman's life, which is crucial for developing effective policies and interventions to reduce domestic violence.

BackgroundViolence against women is now widely recognized as a serious human right abuse, and an important public health problem with substantial consequences physical, mental, sexual, and reproductive health. Data on systematic review of domestic violence are needed to support policy and program recommendations. Therefore, the overall purpose of this systematic review was to assess magnitude of domestic violence against women and associated factors in Ethiopia.MethodsStudies systematically reviewed in Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia from 2000 to 2014. Systematic review was employed on published research works from databases such as Pubmed, popline, Hinari, and Google using key words. We also consulted public health experts. Community based studies with a study population (15–49 years) were included for review. Thirteen peer reviewed papers and two consecutive Ethiopian demographic and health surveys (2005 and 2011) were included to the systematic review. Twenty seven available in open access journals were retrieved and assessed based on the criteria’s such as community based study, cross sectional study design, clearly report prevalence and associated factors were included in the systematic review work. Finally, 15 papers were included in this review.ResultsLifetime prevalence of domestic violence against women by husband or intimate partner among 10 studies ranged from 20 to 78 %. The lifetime domestic physical violence by husband or intimate partner against women ranged from 31 to 76.5 %. The life time domestic sexual violence against women by husband or intimate partner ranged from 19.2 to 59 %. The mean life time prevalence of domestic emotional violence was 51.7 %. Significant number of women experienced violence during their pregnancy period. Domestic violence against women significantly associated with alcohol consumption, chat chewing, family history of violence, occupation, religion, educational status, residence and decision making power.ConclusionDomestic violence against women was relatively high in different parts of Ethiopia. Domestic violence has direct relationship with sociodemographic characteristics of the victim as well as perpetrator. Therefore, appropriate health promotion information activities needed to tackle associated factors of domestic violence against women or to prevent and control the problem to save women from being victim.

Domestic violence and abuse impact the lives of millions every year. Historically, such conduct was considered to be a private matter, and outside the remit of the law. While domestic violence and abuse is now recognised to be an important social issue, the historical acceptance of such abuse provides a context to understand some of the difficulties that victims face today. A key focus of the chapter is the family law remedies available for domestic abuse victims. Three key remedies are examined: non-molestation orders, occupation orders, and forced marriage protection orders. In addition to this, the chapter will explore the definition of domestic abuse, which is now set out in the Domestic Abuse Act 2021. The chapter also explores some of the wider factors pertaining to the family justice system’s response to domestic violence and abuse. This includes the impact of the changes to legal aid as introduced by the Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act 2012, and the recent special measures brought in to support domestic abuse victims during court proceedings, introduced by the Domestic Abuse Act 2021.

Pregnancy has been identified as a vulnerable period for both the initiation and escalation in severity of domestic and family violence. There is a significant dearth of scholarly literature documenting the relationship of domestic and family violence with the mental health and quality of life among pregnant women of Nepal. Baseline data of 140 women enrolled in a trial of a psychosocial intervention for abused pregnant women were analysed. Face-to-face interviews were conducted using standardised scales. Prevalence of domestic and family violence and mental health conditions were estimated and inferential statistics were used to assess the association of domestic and family violence with mental health, quality of life, social support, and use of safety behaviours. The lifetime prevalence of domestic and family violence was found to be 27.7% (n = 173), followed by 17.1% of women (n = 107) fearing someone in their family. Domestic and family violence in the last 12 months was significantly associated with anxiety (p = 0.001), depression (p = 0.005), quality of life (p < 0.05), and perceived social support (p = 0.001). Use of safety behaviours (p = 0.037) was significantly low among women reporting domestic and family violence in the past year as well as during the current pregnancy (p = 0.017). There exists a high psychological morbidity among pregnant women exposed to domestic and family violence. The findings support the need of implementing a screening and support intervention for abused women seeking antenatal services.

Domestic spousal violence against women in developing countries like India is now beginning to be recognized as a widespread health problem impeding development. This study was conducted to assess the prevalence of domestic violence and compare the domestic violence among working and nonworking women and also to find out the association between selected demographic variables and Domestic violence of women. A descriptive study was carried out among 60 working and nonworking women, at a selected area in Varanasi. Participants were selected through convenient sampling. Data was collected through interview by using socio demographic proforma and structured domestic violence questionnaire. The result showed that the overall prevalence of domestic violence among women was 48(80%). Although, significant difference was not found in overall domestic violence scores with selected demographic variables like age, education, type of family, occupation of the working and non working women. Domestic violence was very common in rural area of Uttar Pradesh. Domestic violence in working women was high, so effective actions should be taken to stop domestic violence at no time.

Domestic violence as a women’s health issue— panel discussion

For children, domestic and family violence (DFV) involves exposure to violence between important adults in their lives, as well as directly or indirectly experiencing abuse. While DFV adversely affects children, policy and service responses have traditionally rendered children invisible, focusing instead on adult victim/survivors and perpetrators of DFV. Working effectively with families requires recognising children as victim/survivors in their own right, with needs and experiences separate to those of their caregivers. In Australia, and internationally, terms such as ‘intimate partner violence’, ‘domestic abuse’, ‘domestic violence’ and ‘family violence’ are used to explain violence and abuse in intimate, family and ‘family-like’ relationships (e.g. carers, kinship relationships). Throughout this chapter, we use the term domestic and family violence, which brings together ‘domestic violence’ and ‘family violence’ to recognise the range of relationships in which these forms of violence may occur.

A global movement for the criminalization of domestic violence has been spreading from the 1970s in the context of the International Women’s Movement, but more particularly in the context of the 1979 United Nations Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). This chapter examines the nature and the progress of laws against domestic and intimate partner violence in the United States and South Asia with particular reference to Pakistan and Bangladesh. Some of these laws include the United States’ Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) of 1994; Pakistan’s the Protection of Women Act (Criminal Law Amendment) Act of 2006, the Acid Control and the Acid Crime Prevention Act of 2010 (amended in 2011), the Protection against Harassment of Women at the Workplace Act of 2010, and the Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Act of 2012; and Bangladesh’s Dowry Provision Act of 1980, the Suppression of Violence Against Women and Children Act of 2000, the Acid Control Act of 2002, and the Acid Crimes and Control Act of 2002. It was observed that all three countries, the United States, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, defined domestic violence in terms of the norms of international standard which is that domestic violence is not just physical and sexual in nature. Emotional, psychological, and economic abuses are also a part of domestic and intimate partner violence. The commonalities in legislations are also observed in the areas of protection orders, victim support, and the confidentiality of domestic and intimate partner case records. In terms of punishment, Bangladesh probably has one of the toughest laws of domestic violence in the world. The Bangladesh Law (the Suppression of Violence against Women and Children Act of 2000) imposed the death penalty for 12 different kinds of crimes related to violence against women.

The analysis of legal regulation of counteraction and prevention of domestic violence in the countries of Eastern Europe was carried out on the example of the Czech Republic and Slovakia. A number of positive decisions were highlighted, which are contained in the legislation of the above-mentioned countries. The relevance not only of the introduction of general psychological programs for offenders who have committed domestic violence and educational programs in schools for teaching students the topic of benevolent tolerant coexistence of family members, but also development of methodology of teaching of this topic was indicated. It was noted that the use of the experience of the Czech Republic and Slovakia in the systematic approach to combating domestic violence is extremely important for Ukraine. Having studied the practice of combating domestic violence in Eastern Europe, we have drawn the following conclusions. In general, the National Action Plans for the Prevention of Domestic and Gender-Based Violence are based on four topics, namely: actual assistance to victims of domestic violence by ensuring the availability of specialized social services; work with offenders; educational work for workers who have contacts with victims of domestic violence; dissemination of information on the state of domestic violence in order to prevent it and change the attitude of society to domestic violence, as well as on the bodies and services that can be contacted in case of domestic violence. The value of the Czech experience in combating domestic violence lies in its systematic nature. The main directions of measures include: legal reform on this issue, improving the activities of law enforcement agencies, development of social services; educational programs, rehabilitation programs. The Czech experience is relevant not only for the introduction of mandatory psychological programs for abusers and educational programs in schools to work with students on the promotion of friendly and tolerant coexistence of family members, but also the development of methods for teaching this issue. Slovakia’s positive experience is the development of the Methodology for Police Officers’ Response to Domestic Violence

The article is devoted to domestic (family) violence in modern Russian society. The problem of domestic violence has long ceased to be an individual’s problem. It harms not only the victim, but also the state and society as a whole. Every year in Russia, 14,000 women die at the hands of their husbands. In Russia, domestic violence was first officially reported in the early 1990s. It is necessary to take into account the fact that in the past centuries the patriarchal family dominated, in which women occupied subordinate positions. The woman had to obey her husband unquestioningly and endure the beatings. Children were brought up in the same way. Corporal punishment was mandatory in the family. There is no specific law against domestic violence in our country. Domestic violence also abhors moral and ethical values. The authors looked at causes, varieties, statistics, cycles, the effects of domestic violence and ways to prevent domestic abuse in modern society. There are several forms of violence: physical, psychological, sexual and economic. The consequences of domestic violence are: self-harm, mental disorders, sleep disturbances, depression, anxiety, low self-esteem, alcohol or drug use, etc. Properly coordinated work by health care, law enforcement, and social services agencies can play an important role in preventing domestic violence. At the same time, both individual and general social prevention with young people should be carried out in order to prevent domestic violence and, of course, to introduce a law against domestic violence.

This study examined public perceptions of sentencing severity for males convicted of domestic violence assault compared with non-domestic violence assault. Over the years, surveys have reported changes in community attitudes toward seeing domestic violence as a more serious issue and an increased understanding of what acts constitute a domestic violence offense (Carlson & Worden, 2005). This study aimed to (a) examine whether public perceptions of sentencing severity differ between domestic and non-domestic violence assault offenses committed under similar circumstances; and (b) whether these perceptions remain after adjusting for personal attitudes, victimization experiences, and sociodemographic factors. After reading vignette scenarios depicting domestic and non-domestic assault, 284 undergraduate students responded to a survey about their perceptions of appropriate sentence outcomes and length. Results found that regardless of participants' punitiveness (and other factors), the manipulation of the victim-offender relationship was a significant predictor for judgments of sentencing severity. Notably, the results highlighted a leniency effect in the perceptions of participants toward perpetrators of domestic violence when compared with those who received the non-domestic violence scenario. These findings imply that undergraduate students judge domestic violence as less serious and hence not warranting as severe sentencing as non-domestic violence assault perpetrators. The study indicates that public perceptions of sentencing severity for domestic violence perpetrators are not consistent with the reported shift in public perceptions toward seeing domestic violence as a serious public issue. These findings highlight the importance of continued community education about domestic violence as well as the need to take care when considering engaging public opinion in sentencing practices for domestic violence perpetrators.