“Woman is not a delicate flower”

PurposeThis study aims to provide a comparative portrait of the profile of men and women in the boardrooms of listed companies (Euronext Lisbon, Portugal) during the first stage of the gender quota law, by comparing the profile of those board members appointed before the mandated quota law and those appointed after it. This study also seeks to contribute to a critical review of the main reservations expressed by some core institutional actors, who initially voiced their concern that it might be difficult to find women in equal conditions to men in terms of their cumulative experience and qualifications to serve as board members.Design/methodology/approachIn addition to providing a comparative descriptive analysis of male and female board members’ profiles before and after the mandated gender quota law, an aggregate professional endowments measure (professional endowments Index) is also calculated.FindingsThe research findings show that, in the first stage of the quota law, men and women appointed as board members after the mandated gender quota law are fundamentally similar in their professional attributes, forming a more homogeneous boardroom than those holding board positions before it.Originality/valueThis study contributes to the literature on the profile of the men and women serving on the publicly listed company boards in Portugal, by comparing their profiles before and after the mandated gender quota law. This study also fills a gap in the literature, as studies about gender quotas and corporate boards relating to Portugal and Southern European countries in general are still relatively scant. To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is the first study carried out into the gender quota law on corporate boards in Portugal.

The work analyzes the characteristics, arguments and conditions of possibility present in the gender activisms carried out in recent years by young women in Argentina, with special attention paid to the generational mark they imprint onto the collective demands and struggles for legal, safe and free abortion. The article reconstructs some of the social and personal circumstances at the base of the motivation or the decision of a group of young women to carry out an abortion with misoprostol, with the purpose of exploring concretely the support networks and the information circulating among these young women in relation to the practice of medical abortion, at a time in which access to this right has not yet been legally instituted in the country. We are interested in putting these realities in dialogue with a broader context of female youth prominence in these demands, condensed in the expression "green tide" and in the idea of a "cultural battle" that has already been won socially.

Two decades ago, the calls of women’s groups for gender equality captured the attention of the legislatures, the courts, and the academy. “Liberal” feminist theorists called for the passage of the federal Equal Rights Amendment (“ERA”) and advocated the Supreme Court’s application of heightened scrutiny to gender classifications. Meanwhile, “radical” feminist theorists claimed that the liberal approach would achieve mere formal equality or equality of treatment between men and women but would not establish women’s actual equality in society. These radical theorists called for more extensive, affirmative government measures to achieve substantive equality for women. The states’ failure to ratify the liberal-supported federal ERA and the Court’s failure to adopt a strict scrutiny standard for gender-classificatory laws may appear to have rendered this liberal-radical debate academic. With the adoption of state equal rights amendments by several states, however, this debate merely has shifted to different forums. Although state courts have interpreted their state ERAs largely in accordance with the liberal analysis, the case law from these states provides material from which to analyze the efficacy of both the liberal approach to gender equality and the radical theorists’ critique of that approach. States with ERAs, therefore, serve as laboratories in which to consider the larger issue concerning which approach is more promising for achieving women’s equality. Part I of this Note briefly surveys different theoretical approaches to equality in general, exploring the contours of symmetrical and asymmetrical theories of equality. Part II focuses on gender equality theory in particular and considers liberal feminists’ call for equality of treatment as well as radical feminists’ demand for equality of results. Part III examines state courts’ interpretations of their state ERAs -- in particular, in areas where the applications of radical and liberal feminism support different results -- in order to assess the efficacy of these theories in practice. Part IV draws some lessons from states’ experiments with equality and concludes that while the liberals’ call for gender-neutral legislation should be heeded in general, the radical approach offers important insights into how legislation and doctrine can be crafted to achieve formal and substantive equality for women.

In light of increasing numbers of women in politics, extant research has examined the role of women in the parliamentary party on agenda-setting. This paper complements that literature by exploring the effect of a gendered institution theorized to promote both numbers of women and awareness of women’s interests: gender quota laws. I suggest that after a quota law, parties could have incentives to either reduce ( backlash effect) or increase ( salience effect) attention to women’s policy concerns. Using matching and regression methods with a panel data set of parties in advanced democracies, I find that parties in countries that implement a quota law devote more attention to social justice issues in their manifestos than similar parties in countries without a quota. Furthermore, the paper shows that this effect is driven entirely by the law itself. Contrary to expectations, quota laws are not associated with increases in women in my (short-term) sample; it is thus no surprise that no evidence of an indirect effect through numbers of women is found. I interpret the findings as evidence of quota contagion, whereby quotas cue party leaders to compete on gender equality issues.

Gender quota laws, which require political parties to include women among candidate lists, now exist at the subnational level in 15 European countries. Do they increase the inclusion of women in local legislative processes and facilitate the representation of women's interests? To make progress on these questions, we leverage data from the “most similar” Italian region of Campania, which implemented a quota law in 2010, and Calabria, which had no quota law. Using a mixed‐method approach, we pair quantitative analysis of all legislative bills proposed and passed in both regional councils from 2007 to 2017 with qualitative interviews with regional councillors. We find that Campania's gender quota law increased women's inclusion in the legislative process, but little evidence that this translated into substantive policy gains for women. Our qualitative evidence suggests that arcane legislative processes, male‐dominated leadership roles, and a masculinist culture prevent women's policy interests from being prioritized.

This paper seeks to analyse the potential for change in the gender quota law on corporate boards in Portugal. This is achieved by incorporating concepts and insights drawn from political science and the study of quotas in politics and adjusting these to the boardroom context. It adds to the literature on women on boards by shedding light on the importance of looking at descriptive representation, substantive representation, substantive equality and transformative institutional change, in order to understand a quota law’s potential for eliciting gender balance in the boardroom, as well as greater gender equality in directorship positions, in board dynamics and at the workplace level. This study uses multi-strategy research methods. Evidence provided by the quantitative analysis of survey data, combined with the qualitative analysis of interviews undertaken with female and male board members and the contents of Gender Equality Action Plans (GEAPs), shows that there have been some changes in terms of descriptive representation, but fewer in relation to substantive equality, as men are still largely over-represented in positions associated with effective power and influence over decision-making. Moreover, although the promotion of gender equality at the workplace is valued by both groups, and particularly so by women, weaknesses have been found in the materialisation of such a commitment (substantive representation) through the adoption of GEAPs designed to tackle gendered patterns at the workplace (transformative institutional change).

ABSTRACTWhy do so many developing countries have gender quota policies? This article argues that foreign aid programmes influence developing countries to adopt policies aimed at fulfilling international norms regarding gender equality. This relationship is driven by two causal mechanisms. On the one hand, countries may use gender quotas as a signal to improve their standing in the international hierarchy, possibly as an end unto itself, but more likely as a means towards ensuring future aid flows. On the other, countries may adopt gender quotas as a result of successful foreign aid interventions specifically designed to promote women’s empowerment. I test these two causal mechanisms using data on foreign aid commitments to 173 non-OECD countries from 1974 to 2012. The results suggest that while programmes targeting women’s empowerment may have some influence on quota adoption, developing countries dependent on United States foreign aid are also likely to use gender quotas as signalling devices rather than as a result of ongoing liberalization efforts.

The Argentine Ley de Cupos (Law of Quotas) is the singular example of a national law requiring all political parties to place a minimum quota of women in electable positions on their party lists for the election of national deputies. The law represents an important and previously untried interim method in the worldwide struggle to achieve gender parity in legislative bodies. This article examines the electoral impact of Ley de Cupos, discussing both its success in increasing the number of women elected as well as some areas of concern. It concludes by assessing the practical implications of the Argentine model for other nations considering a gender quota law.

Purpose The purpose of this study is to examine the effect of gender quota on earnings management practices. Specifically, the authors investigate board gender diversity effectiveness before and after full compliance mandatory gender quota. Design/methodology/approach Based on a sample of French listed companies over the period 2010–2019, the authors use panel data regressions. The authors also run Chow test to capture the effects of board gender diversity after the use of quota law in 2017. Findings The results of this study indicate that gender diversity functions as a governance mechanism that improves control and reduces earnings management. However, after the 2017 gender quota law, the relationship becomes positive, revealing potential drawbacks of mandatory quotas. In line with optimal contracting theory, appointing women solely to meet quotas led to over-monitoring, especially in firms with already strong governance. This practice often prioritizes gender over qualifications, resulting in less effective boards. Additional analysis suggests that cultural diversity can help offset the negative effects of quotas by reducing tokenism and enhancing the monitoring role of board. Practical implications Regulators should prioritize incentive-based nudges, such as certifications recognizing gender diversity, rather than rigid quotas. This approach avoids tokenism and promotes diversity aligned with skills. An inclusive organizational culture, supported by targeted public policies, remains crucial to counterbalance the effects of mandates. For investors, integrating these cultural dimensions into their analysis enhances risk assessment, while companies should prioritize appointments that balance gender, expertise and diverse profiles. Together, these strategies – rooted in nudges and culture – strengthen the reliability of information. Originality/value This study extends research on board gender diversity by exploring the differential effect of the different approaches taken in considering the representation of women on earnings management.

Abortion and Human Rights for Women in Argentina Barbara Sutton (bio) and Elizabeth Borland (bio) introduction Legal abortion is one among several dimensions of a reproductive justice agenda, and yet it continues to be at the center of controversy in many places around the world. While in countries such as the United States abortion is legal but contested,1 in places such as Argentina, abortion is largely illegal, with few exceptions.2 Despite its criminalization, it is estimated that up to 522,000 abortions take place annually in Argentina.3 Abortion is also a leading cause of maternal mortality, and the clandestinity of the practice especially hurts the most destitute women.4 In this context, women's movement and feminist activists in Argentina have long advocated for the legalization of abortion. Their cause gained momentum in the last decade. Unlike the more narrow emphasis on "choice" that has been prevalent in the United States and other contexts,5 and critiqued by scholars and activists advocating for "reproductive justice,"6 abortion rights activists in Argentina have included expansive frames in their discursive repertoire, even as they concentrate on legalizing abortion. One of these expansive frames pertains to the notion of human rights. The proliferation of human rights discourse as a recognized and shared language across national borders and cultures—for example, as evidenced by international human rights treaties—suggests the need to examine how this frame works in practice and whether it has local resonance in different national contexts. According to Elizabeth Jay Friedman, from a feminist perspective, part of the power of the human rights frame derives from its ability to "provide legitimacy to political demands, given both its political acceptance and its 'machinery,' or instruments for its realization."7 Furthermore, the notion that "women's rights are human rights" was increasingly deployed in the global arena during the 1990s and is still being invoked in prominent activist spaces in different locales, including the 2017 Women's March on Washington.8 Still, [End Page 27] as we shall see, this frame is not without critics, including among feminists who have taken issue with its usefulness both philosophically and in terms of its concrete application in specific national contexts.9 Thus the question emerges: Is the human rights frame useful or viable when it comes to articulating long-standing feminist demands such as abortion rights? If so, in which circumstances? In the case of Argentina, why have abortion rights activists chosen to incorporate the language of human rights as an important component of their discursive repertoire? Within Argentina, the movement for abortion rights needs to be situated in the context of broader struggles for social justice, democracy, and gender and sexuality rights. In the last two decades several progressive laws were passed in Argentina, including legislation on sexual and reproductive health (2002), comprehensive sex education (2006), ending violence against women (2009), marriage equality (2010), and self-determination of gender identity (2012). These changes followed a historic turning point marked by a severe economic and political crisis in 2001, when a variety of social movements were agitating for new and old demands.10 However, despite legislative progress on matters of sexual and reproductive rights, legalizing abortion has proven more difficult to achieve. This article examines activist efforts to decriminalize and legalize abortion, paying special attention to the strategic use of a human rights frame. The prominent coalition to demand the legalization and decriminalization of abortion in Argentina is the National Campaign for the Right to Legal, Safe, and Free Abortion, launched in 2005.11 By its tenth anniversary the Campaign had the support of more than three hundred organizations as well as countless individuals from all walks of life. Groups in the coalition include political parties, labor organizations, academic institutions, human rights groups, and many more. Activists characterize the Campaign as plural (comprising a diversity of individuals, social sectors, and political ideologies), federal (reaching the various regions of the country), self-organized (not directed by any external entity), and democratic (with the main direction of the Campaign determined through plenary meetings and collective discussion). The Campaign's key slogan, which has unified it when tensions and disagreement have arisen, is: "Sex education...

Researchers often base their studies of the relationship between gender equality and rape on the claims of feminists. But feminists propose both a negative and positive relationship between these variables. This article summarizes theoretical differences between groups of feminists and uses gender equality indicators especially consistent with liberal feminists’ goals to examine the relationship in question with cross-national data. A positive relationship was found, not a negative one as the limited equality goals of liberal feminists lead one to expect. Also, similar to several previous studies, homicide and rape rates are positively associated as suggested by the subculture of violence thesis.

Latin Women Take the Helm

The effect of gender quota laws on the election of women: Lessons from Niger

PurposeThis paper aims to examine the impact of female AC representation (ACFEMALE) following the adoption of gender quota legislation on the trade-off between accrual-based (AEM) and real earnings management (REM), taking into consideration their demographic attributes.Design/methodology/approachA sample of 89 companies listed in the SBF 120 during the period 2012–2018 has been employed. The authors have obtained the explanatory variables using the principal component analysis method. To provide empirical evidence for the testable hypotheses, the authors have estimated a least squares regression. A differences-in-differences analysis has been estimated to analyze the impact of the gender quota law imposition.FindingsThe regression results indicate that companies with a higher proportion of ACFEMALE have more tendency to use REM rather than AEM. The authors further denote that the ACFEMALE expertise negatively affects AEM. Moreover, the authors find that the ACFEMALE experience helps reduce both AEM and REM. Results from the DID analysis exhibit that the ACFEMALE effect on the trade-off between REM and AEM occurs for the period that follows the implementation of the French gender quota law. Furthermore, the authors denote that the negative link between the ACFEMALE experience and AEM and REM dissipates for both the pre- and the postgender quota law adoption.Originality/valueThis study extends the prior existing research by examining, for the first time, the relationship between female directors’ appointments and the trade-off between accrual-based and REM. As well as, the research provides primary evidence on the channels through which female directors may affect the managerial preference regarding the earnings management techniques AEM or REM.

On July 31, 2018, Buenos Aires’s subway system was overtaken by a public intervention under the name “Operación Araña,” co-organized by Ni Una Menos - a feminist social movement focused on gender violence -, the Campaign for the Right to Legal, Safe, and Free Abortion, unionized metro workers, and more than seventy organizations, with the overall intention of affirming women’s autonomy and calling attention to several social issues with direct impact on their lives. This study weaves a series of reflections on some of the specific features of the Operación Araña intervention that can shed light on how and why the new feminist wave in Argentina has gained such momentum while gauging its impact on redefining what we understand as activism. Drawing from Judith Butler’s notions on the performative political potential of the assembly (Notes Toward a Performative Theory of Assembly, 2015), this article unveils the various forms of embodied resistance staged in the public space by this new surge of activists, popularly called the “green tide” after the color identifying the Campaign for the Right to Legal, Safe, and Free Abortion. In claiming a unique and radical performative space wherein to exercise agency and display new forms of organization, the green tide also has by the same token laid claim to a reconfigured public space conducive to new forms of sociality and the preservation of all lives.