Why Religion Matters: Montenegro’s Sacred Nationhood in a Time of Contestation

This research attempts to investigate an intermingled relationship of political interest and religious issues, particularly in the Jakarta's Gubernatorial Issues in 2017. Basuki Tjahaya Purnama or Ahok, one of the governor candidate and also the former governor was accused of blasphemy issues after his speech in the Pramuka Island becomes viral. Although this case ended with a court, which ruled that he was guilty and received a sentence of 2 years in prison, this has become an unforgettable fact of Indonesian democracy. The proposed inquiry is how far religious issues influence political tension for based non-religion countries such as Indonesia. By using approach of hate Spin, within the combination of hate speech (vilification or offense-giving) and indignation of the offense-taking framework, this paper focuses on the entanglements of a political campaign and religious issues in the election period. This issue is significant for the reason that the tension of religious and political issues put both democracy and multiculturalism in Indonesia. Indeed, there is still a good opportunity for maintaining diversity through producing tolerance view, and enforcing the law for the actor of hate speech and hate spin.

This book, with its very attractive title, Italy and the Balkans. The History of a Proximity, may be considered a continuation, from a new perspective, of an old series inaugurated by the older generations of Italian scholars. I have in mind the studies of Carlo Battisti, a linguist to whom we are indebted for many profound analyses of the old cultures of the Mediterranean, not to mention many other studies and books written by various authors in Italy and elsewhere, including in those areas that are usually labeled the “Balkan countries.” Alberto Basciani has a most interesting book referring to the “difficult union,” that is, the complicated and tortuous situation of Bessarabia in the context of Romanian history. Egidio Ivetic is, of course, another such author, in this case the coauthor. Both are known as historians whose activity has been dedicated to the history of the Balkans and/or southeast Europe, the Adriatic zone, Italy, and Romania. With such references for the two authors, it is high time to examine their recent book.As indicated in the introduction, the two authors have divided their work in distinct chapters, without interfering with each other. Therefore, the introduction and the first two chapters have been written by Ivetic, whereas Chapters 3, 4, and 5 are written by Basciani. From the beginning, the old and inevitable links between Italy and the Balkans are explained; ultimately, Italy and the area of former Yugoslavia had been neighbors for millennia, and their cultures intermingled between the Slovenes and the Croatians, as it continues to do. On page 7, the reader is warned about the complex meanings of the Balkans, a region in which the authors also include Romania. But the Balkans are an “umbrella concept” (un concetto ombrello), a situation compared to that of Scandinavia, whereas ‘‘Italy is Italy’’ (p. 8). It is declared, in this context, that the analysis is based on a “aspetto determinante anche se non deterministico” (a decisive aspect even if not deterministic) and also on Geschichtsregion, a region that creates history (p. 9). The case of former Yugoslavia is also briefly mentioned in the final part of the Introduction. One first conclusion is that Italy represents the center of the Mediterranean (p. 12).The first chapter is an attempt toward defining the historical regions of Europe. It begins with a reference to Woodrow Wilson and Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk (two outstanding pillars of the first decades of the twentieth century) and the situation after World War I, a period once characterized as the “New Europe.” It was a period defined by, on the one hand, the huge territory of the Soviet Union as it was developing after the revolution and, on the other hand, what is usually labeled “Western Europe.” The case of Yugoslavia could not be avoided, of course, for this period. Further, Romania (la grande Romania) and Hungary (amputata) were also integrated into a mental map of Europe. The author correctly notes that with the exception of Czechoslovakia, practically all the Balkan states and many other states located in Central and Southeast Europe (the Balkans proper, Romania, Hungary, etc.) had the clear tendency toward developing dictatorial regimes, some of them under the direct influence of Germany. It is the period when, mainly under the influence of German historians, the concept of Südosteuropa, as opposed to Mitteleuropa (Southeast Europe vs. Central Europe), was developing (p. 17ff.) The chapter develops other visions of Europe between the two world wars, but also after World War II, with a peculiar reference to Hungarian historian Jenő Szűcs’s Les Trois Europes (the three Europes) and then to the Yugoslav conflict of the early 1990s (p. 22ff.). The complex situation in Southeast Europe, in a larger context, in Ukraine and in other parts of another “new Europe,” is developed in the final part of Chapter 1 (p. 26ff.), with the (at least) interim conclusion that Italy and the Balkans are neighboring regions but entirely different (the epithet “diverse” is used, in fact, on p. 35).The second chapter (p. 37ff.) is dedicated to the problem already presented in the very title of the book: the historical proximity of Italy and the Balkans. The chapter begins with a reference to the year 1544, when Sebastian Münster’s Cosmographia was published, again referring to Italy as the center of the Mediterranean. The chapter continues with ample historical references to the age of Carolus Magnus (Charlemagne) and even to previous centuries, the period of migrations, when the Slavs emerged in history as a distinct ethnic group (p. 39). References to the Islamic world, Spain, and other parts of Europe make up part of this chapter. The authors abruptly jump to the interwar period (p. 43ff.), to the Croatian nobility (p. 50), as well to various other historical periods analyzed in random order or without any order at all. This is, perhaps, the most unorganized part of the book.The last three chapters belong to the other author, Alberto Basciani. The third chapter begins with a direct reference to the Italian unification and the Balkans, from the year 1861 and onward. A new European state was emerging—or, if the reader allows, was re-emerging—after a tortuous medieval history. It was, in fact, a period when many European states were evolving from a complicated medieval and early modern history, and of course, these movements were welcomed with much sympathy, even if the Italian state, as noted by the author, was feeble, with its only power consisting of its demographic structure of twenty-two million inhabitants—a considerable figure for those times. Garibaldi’s name was already known, and he called for the independence of other European regions as well. The author also refers to the complex relations between Romanians and Hungarians (p. 58ff.). The fragility of the new Italian state is analyzed in a larger European context, as the coming decades witnessed complex evolutions, for example, the Congress in Berlin, which de facto canceled the recently concluded Treaty of San Stefano (p. 63). But as things went on, the foreign policy of the Italian state was developing a peculiar attention to the Balkans (p. 68), noting the ambitions of Bulgaria toward a Greater Bulgaria (p. 71). The final part of this chapter is dedicated to the prewar period, that is, the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries, noting also the complex problems of Austria-Hungary and, again, the complex situation in Transylvania and Hungarian–Romanian relations. The Albanian question could not be avoided, of course (p. 74ff.).The last two chapters are dedicated to the very dynamic interwar period, followed by World War II and the Iron Curtain (p. 89ff.). The creation of Yugoslavia represented a major change because it included most South Slavic nations, as well as the pending relations between the Albanians, the Serbs, and the Italians, which represented a complicated issue even in the Serbian/Yugoslav–Italian relations (p. 93). The chapter refers to many unknown or lesser-known details of diplomatic contacts between Italy and the other countries of the region that were still in an unstable situation. The Treaty of Trianon reflected this complex situation, in which the old state of Poland was revived (p. 98). The creation of Yugoslavia (initially with a different name: the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croatians, and Slovenes), which included, as the name shows, ‘‘the country of the South Slavs,’’ or Yugo-Slavia (with several spellings, depending on the language in which this new name was adapted), was sent or felt as a trauma by the liberal leadership, with the contribution of Woodrow Wilson, a partisan of the South Slavic cause (p. 99–100). Some polemical considerations with “Anglo-Saxon historians” are also included (p. 101). In this context, a modus vivendi between Italy and Yugoslavia had to be identified (p. 105). Nevertheless, the rise of the Fascist movement, with its strong anti-Slavic feelings, which took place all over Europe, was a major impediment in finding a compromise and, in fact, was the premise of World War II (p. 107ff.) The final part of this chapter is dedicated to the rise of fascism in Italy and represents, perhaps, one of the best-written parts of the book.As expected, the fifth chapter is dedicated to the postwar period. The author finds that at the end of World War II, Italy was a completely defeated and humiliated country (p. 125). The author dedicates several pages to the relations with Yugoslavia, which represented the most important problem for Italy in those times. Issues included disputed territories, the extensive border region along the Adriatic, and of course, the rise of a Communist regime in Yugoslavia, as well as the rise of communism in all of the Slavic countries of the area and, by direct influence, in non-Slavic countries like Romania and Hungary. The social mentality had to solve the cruelty of the Italian occupation in parts of Yugoslavia (p. 127), which directly affected the fate of the Trieste (Trst; p. 128) and other territorial losses (from the perspective of Italy, pp. 131–132). The final part of this chapter and of the book is dedicated to the Cold War and very recent history. There are no general conclusions.The book is, beyond any doubt, a most interesting read—even if some parts seem unordered rather than following a plan, it is to show the reader how the actual history unfolded. The first two chapters (Ivetic) are seemingly less organized than the other three chapters (Basciani), with the final part being, if my perception is correct, clearer and better organized. All those wishing to learn more about the relations between Italy and the Balkans and, by and large, between Italy and other parts of Europe would benefit from reading this book. The book is mainly a view on political and diplomatic issues, rather than the social aspects of these relations; therefore, its target group is mainly historians and politicians, specifically, those interested in the political conflicts in Europe in the area under scrutiny (Italy and the Balkans). Some considerations are (very) debatable, but they ultimately represent the charm of the book, not necessarily a flaw.

This study analyses the communication models used by two preachers, Habib Husein Jafar and Aab Elkarimi, to spread Da’wah messages through Da’wah phenomena on social media. This research focuses on how these two preachers use social media, especially TikTok and Instagram, to communicate religious messages and raise relevant social and political issues. The analysis method is carried out by observing the TikTok content of the two preachers and analyzing their communication approach. The results show that the preacher Habib Husein Jafar adopts a modern and youth-friendly communication style, with an appearance and speaking style different from the general image of "Habib". He utilizes everyday social phenomena as an entry point to deliver Islamic religious messages that young people can accept. Besides that, Aab Elkarimi, as a young content creator, adopts a critical approach to presenting in-depth analyses of social, political and religious issues. He invites his audience to think critically about the phenomenon and relate it to the teachings of Islam. Both reached their target audience, young people, with positive effects. Their messages help build a deeper understanding of Islamic teachings, overcome negative stereotypes of religion, and encourage a more critical view of social and political issues. This research provides insights into how preachers can use social media as an effective tool to spread religious messages and bridge the gap between religious teachings and the social and political realities their audiences face in today's digital age.

COVID-19 Pandemic Tweets by Iranian Political Elites: A Content Analysis Study

To lock in progress over the last three years, Southeast Europe needs to take steps now to develop effective cross-border cooperation at both the practical and political levels. It also needs to demonstrate that it can speak out on major issues of concern with a single, coordinated voice. Not only does meaningful regional cooperation build local confidence and reflect full regional buy-in on tough, challenging economic and political issues, it also helps form crucial regional networks in political, diplomatic and specialist areas. This in turn leads crucially to standard setting at the regional level, which can significantly enhance the durability of national commitments. The Southeast European Cooperation Process (SEECP) is starting to take on this role in important areas. It has progressively become more focused in its goals and objectives. It now needs to begin to exert the leadership necessary to craft workable solutions to persistent regional challenges. This means developing an indigenous capacity to follow through on and implement commitments made by the region's political leadership at summits and ministerial meetings.

This article explores the status of Turks in Bulgaria under the transition from Communism to post-Communism. After a summary of the demography of the Turkish population in Bulgaria, the paper focuses on developments in three specific areas: religious, political, and educational issues. For each issue a brief historical background is given but the emphasis is on developments since 1989. Since the article is an expanded version of a presentation on East European Linguistic Minorities, the issue of Turkish language and Turkish language education in Bulgaria is discussed in greater detail than religious and political issues. This in no way implies that the latter are any less important.

There are many matters in the history of Polish-English relations that have so far escaped the attention of historians dealing with this subject. Religious issues that are the subject of this article, which is the result of a monthly query in the British Library, Bodleian Library, and The National Archives of England and Wales, seem to be undervalued. The aim of the article is to present selected religious and political issues as important factors in the shaping of Polish-English diplomatic relations at the turn of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance.

In this new media era, people use social media to share information and discuss political, social, and religious issues that have pros and cons groups. In Twitter’s hashtags and tweets, religious issues frequently trigger a hot conversation that leads to netizen disputes and street movements in society. This study is intended to reveal the religious issues that often trigger polarization among Twitter users and how they influence horizontal conflict in society. This research applies mixed-method with social media analytics to conceal religious issues in Indonesia's social media society. The data collection was done by crawling data from the Indonesian Twitter users’ tweets regarding religious issues hashtags, which is a reference for further analysis. The research findings show that the top ten religious issues widely discussed based on 23,433 Twitter users’ tweets are the hashtags (#) salafi, wahabi, intoleransi (intolerance), komunisme (communism), taliban, anti-Pancasila, politisasi agama (politicization of religion), politik identitas (identity politics), radikalisme (radicalism), and pro khilafah. In many social conversation networks, the issues are related to each other and other issues of political figures, the three presidential candidates, the general election, and the Republic of Indonesia presidential election in 2024. And concerning these issues, Twitter users believe that the issues, good or bad, do not influence them. However, they believe that religious issues impact horizontal conflicts in society. Finally, it is hoped that further studies will elaborate on religious issues on other social media to capture the big picture of how netizens perceive religious issues.

After the 9/11 attacks, “Islam” becomes the synonym of “terrorism”. “Islamic terrorism” obviously turns into the worst enemy of the West countries, especially for U.S.. Many articles often discuss combating terrorism from American point of view. So-called “global war on terror” is based on American way of thinking, not in the context of Muslim society like Indonesia. Indonesia is the biggest Muslim nation in the world. The terrorist attacks which occurred in Indonesia are the cases on behalf of the clash between Islam and the West. This thesis aims to observe and analyse how Indonesia governments respond to anti-terrorism within the context of its social, political and economic development. That is also my goal to strive. I hope that it will make a meaningful contribution to the relevant academic community. By collecting and analysing related texts including official documents, talks and newspaper reports, this thesis describes the Indonesian responses and policy actions toward domestic security problems and U.S.-led “anti-terrorism” in the post-September 11 era, furthermore to explain the implications behind those responses. This study uses the two concepts as analytical framework－“pan-Islamism” and “Asia-Pacificism”. The conclusion is, although Indonesian government fell into the dilemma of “Islam vs. West” in the beginning, it sought to depart from the paradox and go on its way. Indonesian authority defines anti-terrorism as political issues not religious issues. Through distinguishing setting of issue’s nature, it can enable Indonesia to avoid to choose between Islam and the West, then to acquire another kind of balance.

This paper tries to search for religious portrait that supports the process of radicalization which is potential in rising social fragmentation; and to study process and dynamics of conflicts, and ethnic, social-economic, political, and intra and inter-religious based radicalism. This study finds out that: Firstly, Surakarta has been known as burning city in political and SARA issues in Central Java and national level. Facts has shown that since 1910 this city witnessed mass riots and amok which are nuanced by ethnic, religious, and political issues. Indeed, some riots outspread their excess and influences to other cities around, such as May 1998 and October 1999 tragedies. Secondly, ideologically Surakarta is one of the well known cities as the breeding ground of radical Islamic groups, and Javanese traditional belief (Kejawen), which still firmly grasp their ancestor values influenced by both Kasunanan and Mangkunegeran kingdoms. Lastly, some religious based conflicts and violence and terrorism seem to be contemporary trend of radicalism in Solo.

This paper tries to search for religious portrait that supports the process of radicalization which is potential in rising social fragmentation; and to study process and dynamics of conflicts, and ethnic, social-economic, political, and intra and inter-religious based radicalism. This study finds out that: Firstly, Surakarta has been known as burning city in political and SARA issues in Central Java and national level. Facts has shown that since 1910 this city witnessed mass riots and amok which are nuanced by ethnic, religious, and political issues. Indeed, some riots outspread their excess and influences to other cities around, such as May 1998 and October 1999 tragedies. Secondly, ideologically Surakarta is one of the well known cities as the breeding ground of radical Islamic groups, and Javanese traditional belief (Kejawen), and they who still firmly grasp their ancestor values influenced by both Kasunanan and Mangkunegeran kingdoms. Lastly, some religious based conflicts and violence and terrorism seem to be contemporary trend of radicalism in Solo.

In 2010 Serbia faced with many social, economical and political issues such as the economic crisis, unemployment, uncertain candidate for membership in the European Union, cooperation with the International War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague and others. Recurrences of the past are still being felt in the political than some of the European Union with Serbia. Serbia has a long way toward permanent membership, and to intensify regional cooperation in Southeast Europe (SEE) through active membership in regional organizations and initiatives. Although this region for many years been burdened with the past and lack of understanding among nations, the steppes of integration is still achieved and is still stricken by stereotyped comparisons with a barrel keg, and so damn yard. The aim of this paper is to point out some directions for further development of the region and review of the circumstances that have contributed to this state, to show the events of the past who may be a message for the future. .

Serbia represents an excellent example of how the geographic position of a country is a complex and extremely dynamic category. Located at the Southeast Europe, as a medium-size country, Serbia occupies the central part of the Balkan Peninsula and the southern rim of Pannonian Basin. Being in such geographical position, Serbia and its people have been permanently under different political, economic and cultural influences.Serbia is predominantly highland zone criss-crossed by river basins in the south, with highly fertile agricultural lands and navigable rivers and canals of the Pannonian Plain in the north. Being located in the North Temperate Zone characterized by normal day-and-night cycles, Serbia has mild continental climate that passes into mountain climate in the southern highland regions and continental climate in the Pannonia plain. It is a continental country but with favourable position for traffic and transportation. The political issues at the end of the last century and transition from centrally planned to market economy shaped Serbia as developing European country with a prominent depopulation and a high out-migration rate.KeywordsGeographical midpointBordersContinental countryEconomic-geographical position

The implementation of information and communication technologies (ICT) in power systems increases the risks of cybersecurity threats, requiring protection measures that should reflect the multi-actor environment of the contemporary power systems. This paper provides a critical assessment of the cybersecurity practices of the transmission system operators (TSOs) from South East Europe (SEE) and the implementation of obligations for TSOs emerging from the complex set of cybersecurity and electricity legislation. The analyses of TSO cybersecurity practices are based on a survey conducted with the TSOs from SEE and show there is a lack of consistent cybersecurity policy at the TSO level. These analyses demonstrate that the differences between TSOs from the SEE region are not very significant with regards to implementation of technical protection and defense measures for critical infrastructures (CIs) and assets. The comprehensive analyses of electricity and cybersecurity legislation uncover the obligations of TSOs emerging from legislation and relate them to current TSO cybersecurity practices, confirming the necessity to boost existing practices. Considering the analyzed legislation and implemented practices, this paper presents a proposal for a cybersecurity framework for TSOs that should improve their organizational and operational response to the evolving cybersecurity challenges.

Even after all of Europe will be supposedly integrated in the European Union, regions will not cease to exist. All kinds of diversities will be continuously legitimate, of course, to the extent they will contribute the European project to preserve, as well as to develop in the future to come. From that point of view, one has to bear in mind the South-East European paradox. Everything what makes Europe is here. This is the only part of Europe where Slavic peoples are on the Mediterranean. Only here the last migratory vawes of peoples from Asia have been integrated into European culture (Bulgarians, Hungarians). This is also the only part of Europe in which the Romanisation originating from the Late Antiquity has been preserved in areas where it lasted for a historically short period of time (Romania). Some of the oldest European ethnic communities are continuously settled down in South-East Europe (Greeks, Albanians), irrespectively of conflicting contemporary interpretations of their distinctive ancient histories. On the other side, this is probably the only European region which is marked much more by cultural discontinuities than by continuities, irrespectively to the fact that each modern nation in South-East Europe – including the Croatian one – projects itself, when it is about its historical memories, in millenial spans. Finally, this is the only part of Europe which all over its written history experienced the presence of „all“ major European powers, as well as the only one which knows today a long-lasting presence of all major European religious traditions (Western and Eastern Christianity, Islam), not to mention Jewish presence in cities like Thessaloniki, Dubrovnik, Sarajevo etc. Croatia, which is at a European crossroad, integrates all those major features.