Why Populist Authoritarians Rarely Turn into Repressive Dictators

Journal Article Nationalism in Contemporary Latin America and Politics and Economic Change in Latin America: The Governing of Restless Nations Get access Nationalism in Contemporary Latin America. By Arthur P. Whitaker and David C. Jordan. Foreword by John J. Johnson. New York: Free Press; London: Collier-Macmillan. 1966. 229 pp. Bibliog. Index. (Studies in Contemporary Latin America.) 55s.Politics and Economic Change in Latin America: The Governing of Restless Nations. By Charles W. Anderson. Princeton, N.J., Toronto, London: Van Nostrand. 1967. 388 pp. Index. 40s. Hardback: 70s. Harold Blakemore Harold Blakemore Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 44, Issue 1, January 1968, Pages 170–172, https://doi.org/10.2307/2613612 Published: 01 January 1968

This is the introductory chapter of the book Welfare and Social Protection in Contemporary Latin America. The purpose of the book is threefold: (i) to present a historical and theoretical analysis of social protection systems and welfare regimes in contemporary Latin America; (ii) to discuss the politics of contemporary social protection and how national/global actors and institutions shape social policy in the region; and (iii) to examine several debates on social protection and welfare systems in contemporary Latin America. The chapter presents state-of-the-art research in the areas of social policy and welfare that is examined in each of the three parts of the book. What do we know about welfare regimes in Latin America? What do we know about the role of (f)actors shaping social protection development and inclusion? What do we know about recent debates regarding social protection and welfare in Latin America? Particular attention is paid to the contribution made by chapters in this edited volume to the social policy literature. The chapter finishes with a description of the content and results of each chapter in this edited volume.

Part I Social Policy and Welfare regimes in Contemporary Latin America 1. Comparative Social Policy in Contemporary Latin America: Concepts, Theories and a Research Agenda 2. Welfare Regimes in Latin America: Thirty Years of Social Reforms and Conflicting Paradigms 3. Social Protection in Latin America: One Region, Two Systems 4.The Reforms of Welfare Regimes at the Turn of the Century in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica and Uruguay Part II Politics of Social Protection in Latin America: Stakeholders and Institutions 5. Making Foreign: Legal Identity, Social Policy and the Contours of Belonging in the Contemporary Dominican Republic 6. Trade Unions Strategies and the Expansion of Pension Systems: The Cases of Argentina and Uruguay 7. Domestication of Global Policy Norms: Problematisation of the Conditional Cash Transfer Narrative 8. Social Dimensions of the EU–Colombia Free Trade Agreement Part III Contemporary Debates in Latin American Social Policy 9. Private Welfare Provision in Rural Bolivia: Contrasting Visions of Social Protection 10. Cash Transfer Programs as a Means to Women Empowerment? The ‘Oportunidades’ Case In Tulancingo, Mexico (2002-2014) 11. The Future of Social Protection in Latin America in a Context of Accelerated Changes

Introduction 1994-the year that the human security concept was first specifically articulated and promoted by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP)―was also a significant year in Latin America. In that year, El Salvador held its first ever democratic elections and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) took effect in Mexico (and Canada and the US). The Salvadoran national elections, in a country that had suffered from decades of brutal authoritarianism and bloody civil conflict, symbolized the extension and durability of the regionally transformative democratization trend that had begun in Latin America in the late 1970s. NAFTA represented the ascendance and expansion of the norm of economic neoliberalism in the region. Since 1994, the political democratization trend has remained generally strong in Latin America while economic neoliberalism has peaked and then faltered in the face of various competitors. As human security depends on democracy and is one of the (moderate) alternatives to strict economic neoliberalism, the recent and current conditions for human security in Latin America seem propitious. Why would Latin American states pursue human security goals and approaches? Simply put, this chapter argues that the failures of both political authoritarianism and economic neoliberalism foster human security-friendly innovations in political economy discourse and public policy in contemporary Latin America. This chapter is divided into four major sections. First, after brief review of the concept of human security and some theoretical literature, the chapter provides a schematic historical overview of, first, the rise and fall of political authoritarianism and, second, the rise and fall of economic neoliberalism in Latin America over the last several decades. The failures of both authoritarianism and neoliberalism have resulted in human security finding more fertile ground in twenty-first century Latin America. Second, the chapter comments on Latin America’s modest but significant engagement with post-1994 human security discourse and institutions as well as Latin America’s substantial if uneven state-and citizendirected movements toward policies and programs that have advanced the human security agenda over the last two decades. This section identifies two nations (Chile and Costa Rica) and two regional think-tanks (Inter-American Institute ofHuman Rights and the United Nations Economic Commission on Latin American and the Caribbean) that have led the way on human security discourse and institutions in Latin America. Third, the chapter highlights two illustrative human security case studies in Latin America: first, as an example of the role of states in fighting extreme poverty, Brazil’s Family Grant program (2004present), and second, as an example of the international community’s efforts to foster human security, the United Nations Trust Fund for Human Security financing of a municipal-level peaceful coexistence and citizen security project in El Salvador (2008-2011) (UNTFHS 2012). Fourth, informed by the human security literature and aware of the importance of regional dynamics-which operate between global and national systems-for the human security project, the final major section of the chapter offers critical theoretical commentary on the opportunities and the limits of human security in contemporary Latin America. With reference to issues and questions raised in Sangmin Bae’s Introduction to this Human Security, Changing States, and Global Response volume, the chapter concludes with a short review of the motivations and behaviors of Latin American states which have incorporated human security into their domestic and foreign policies.

Reviewed by: Placing Latin America: Contemporary Themes in Human Geography David J. Robinson Placing Latin America: Contemporary Themes in Human Geography. Edward L. Jackiewicz and Fernando J. Bosco (eds.). New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 2008. xi + 276 pages, maps, figures, tables, bibliog., index. $00.00 paperback (ISBN: 0-7425-5643-3). An edited volume such as this interesting new textbook depends essentially on the selection of the themes to be dealt with and the quality of the authors' essays. Six of the seventeen authors are senior scholars, the others junior colleagues including doctoral students and an undergraduate. While the editors attempt to explain the gerund in the main title, asking the reader to "place" Latin America, whatever that might mean, the contents are simply, as the subtitle indicates, essays on selected contemporary themes in human geography related to Latin America; we all understand and suffer from publishers' demands for catchy, if often misleading titles. Each author was asked (pp. 2-3) to "think about Latin America's most pressing and interesting issues and selected themes and to write about them in summary chapters…" and "to highlight the changing and dynamic human geographies [while recognizing] the historical legacy and continuity of many place-based phenomena across the region." The resulting fourteen chapters thus range over many aspects of contemporary Latin America, from socio-economic and political development, to migration and urbanization, the impact of neoliberalism and modernization, the role of tourism in its many forms, patterns of drug production and distribution, and the role of a variety of formal and informal social agencies. Though the concepts of region, landscape and place are mentioned, only the U. S.- Mexican border region receives any major attention, and Larry Ford's chapter is the only one dealing with the landscape in any substantive manner, and that focusing on urban architectural icons rather than the multiplicity of changing landscape elements, both urban and rural. Places are located and occasionally described throughout the chapters but are not the specific focus of analysis and reporting. A "roadmap" to each of the chapters is offered "to summarize and contextualize the global and local dimensions of economic, political, cultural and social change in the region" (p. 9) for those who might benefit from the same, so their detailed contents will not be repeated here. It is clear, however, that the editors attempt in their Introduction to "provide a cohesive narrative" (p. 15) is at best forced. It is quite evident from these essays that contemporary Latin America is a fuzzy region, one undergoing disparate changes at multiple scales in some places, and yet very little change in others. One wonders why two separate chapters (6 and 7) are dedicated to partial aspects of tourism when they could easily have been combined to make way for perhaps a chapter on political ecology that is such a key theme of current research and debate? Drugs trafficking and its consequences are certainly important in contemporary Latin America, but the bibliographic listing (102 citations) exaggerates that theme when compared to the average bibliographies of 29 citations, and the humble seven allotted to [End Page 192] "Beyond the Nation State…and Latinos", and "the Mexican Border Region". Again, if one examines the lengths of chapters it is difficult to understand why some are allowed 30 pages ("Transnational Communities…", and yet four others only 14? Of course, one cannot tell whether this is the result of editorial cutting, or the simple fact that some authors simply wrote fewer words? Balance, however, is a critical factor in presenting data and opinions in textbooks written, as this one probably is, aimed at advanced undergrads, for shorter is often read to mean less significant. Equally, graphic material is also quite unevenly distributed among the chapters, only 10 of the 15 (if one includes the Introduction as a major component, which is certainly is) have any. Do the themes of urbanization, migration, the drug trade and NGOs merit no maps? These are issues that have been well-represented cartographically by dozens of authors, yet here one finds nothing. While the chapter on the drug trade is both innovative and sufficiently extensive to provide a superbly coherent analysis, the one chapter...

* List of Tables and Boxes * Acknowledgements * About the Authors * List of Abbreviations * Introduction - Kees Koonings and Dirk Kruijt * 1. Armed actors, organised violence and state failure in Latin America: a survey of issues and arguments - Kees Koonings and Dirk Kruijt * 2. The military and their shadowy brothers in arms - Dirk Kruijt and Kees Koonings * 3. Policing extensions in Latin America - Kees Koonings and Dirk Kruijt * 4. Civil defence forces: Peru's Comites de Autodefensa Civil and Guatemala's Patrullas de Autodefensa Civil in comparative perspective - Mario Fumerton and Simone Remijnse * 5. Violence as market strategy in drug trafficking: the Andean experience - Menno Vellinga * 6. Armed actors in the Colombian conflict - Francisco Leal Buitrago * 7. Venezuela: the re-militarization of politics - Harold A. Trinkunas * 8. A failed state facing new criminal problems: the case of Argentina - Marcelo Sain * 9. Urban violence and drug warfare in Brazil - Alba Zaluar * 10. Youth gangs, social exclusion and the transformation of violence in El Salvador - Wim Savenije and Chris van der Borgh * 11. Violence and fear in Colombia: fragmentation of space, contraction of time and forms of evasion - Luis Alberto Restrepo * Epilogue : violence and the quest for order in contemporary Latin America - Patricio Silva * About the contributors * Bibliography * Index

Andrew Chesnut’s Competitive Spirits is an ambitious book that draws upon an impressive array of research on religion in Latin America. Ranging in focus from Brazil to Mexico and many places in between, Chesnut develops a unifying argument that can help us make sense of Latin America’s celebrated religious complexity. He employs a set of economic metaphors to analyze the historical shift from Catholic monopoly to free and competitive religious marketplaces in Latin America. Chesnut maintains that this shift was a positive development, primarily because such competitive markets better meet the desires and preferences of religious consumers.Addressing the full range of religious developments in contemporary Latin America would be difficult to accomplish under one cover. Accordingly, Competitive Spirits focuses on the “pneumacentric religions” — those whose practice is centered on contact with spirits — that have seen the most robust growth in contemporary Latin America. Specifically, Chesnut examines the growing popularity of Pentecostalism, the Catholic Charismatic Renewal (CCR), and African diasporic religions. Chesnut maintains that these religions are better attuned to consumer desires and preferences than their alternatives (such as Catholic Base Communities and mainstream Protestantism), which have seen significantly less growth or have even declined during the same period.In addition to providing direct contact with spirits, the pneumacentric religions place a central emphasis on curing. It is no coincidence, Chesnut maintains, that these religions have seen striking growth among the poor, who not only suffer a higher incidence of illness but also have limited access to other forms of medical treatment. Moreover, each of the specific religions deals fairly well with the other “pathogens of poverty” — alcoholism and martial strife. Pentecostalism, for example, offers those with alcohol problems the opportunity to embrace a new way of life based on abstinence. Furthermore, Candomblé provides women with a means of dealing with infidelity in the form of spiritual weapons against romantic rivals.Advertising is the key to success in any competitive market. Accordingly, both the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (a large neo-Pentecostal denomination) and the CCR control major radio and television networks in Brazil. Moreover, both have grown largely through the efforts of enthusiastic lay “salespeople” actively engaged in proselytizing. African diasporic religions, on the other hand, do not advertise. Chesnut argues that religions such as Candomblé recruit mainly through kinship networks and offer more personalized, one-on-one consultations than Pentecostal churches and CCR groups. Moreover, because of its “amorality,” Chesnut claims that Candomblé attracts people who are marginalized because of their sexual orientation or involvement with illegal economic activities. Unlike Pentecostalism, Candomblé does not require that adepts adhere to a strict ethical code or embrace a new way of life.Most of the consumers in the Latin American religious market are women, and Chesnut argues that pneumacentrism “fulfills the particular needs and desires of women from the popular classes” (p. 130). According to Chesnut, pneumacentric religions provide women with experiences of bliss that compensate for abuse or lack or sexual gratification in their relationships with earthly men. Moreover, each religion offers its own distinctive product to women: Pentecostalism offers the experience of conversion, which is something particularly attractive for stigmatized groups such as poor women; the CCR offers Mary as a symbol of maternal strength in the face of adversity; and the African diasporic religions provide a largely matriarchal organization based on the model of kinship relations.One of the strongest aspects of Competitive Spirits is its clear and focused argument. At the same time, however, the book suffers from a reliance on a somewhat oversimplified and reductionist economic model. Chesnut often overemphasizes the role of consumer demand in religious growth, for example. With respect to Brazil, he largely neglects the fact that in a country dominated by patron-client politics, any enterprise — religious or otherwise — succeeds or fails partly to the extent that it gains the support of powerful political and economic patrons.A related problem is that Chesnut casts consumer desires and preferences as prime movers in his model without addressing the questionable assumptions that this entails. He seems to suggest that consumer desires and preferences are constants and that what has varied in the past has been the freedom with which religious entrepreneurs have been able to respond to that demand. Chesnut does not examine how desires and preferences change over time — namely, in response to changing religious discourses and practices. Considering the rich literature on the social constitution of desire, it is curious that he takes desires and preferences as givens. My main reservation about this generally impressive book, however, is not that the author did not examine every issue from every angle, but that he rarely stepped back to address the shortcomings of his own economic metaphors thoroughly.

“There must be some truly great quality in the character of that old gaucho,” Domingo F. Sarmiento admitted in his ambiguous reflections on Chacho Peñaloza, a caudillo whose assassination he allegedly ordered.1 Sarmiento’s commentary in 1866 suggested that there was something unique and mysterious about caudillos because of their sentimental appeal and ability to mobilize gauchos through a personalistic rapport;2 in fact, the unique personality traits of these rural leaders was an essential component of the first explanation of Latin American caudillismo proposed by Sarmiento himself in his book, Facundo, and documents and contemporary accounts are replete with references to this phenomenon.3 Yet this question has been largely neglected by modern historiography, which preferred to focus on the broad social, economic, and cultural factors that created the conditions for the emergence and development of this type of political leadership, authority, and mass mobilization in post-independence Latin America.4This article reexamines the nature of the appeal of caudillos by focusing on Facundo Quiroga and Chacho Peñaloza, two Federalist caudillos from the northwestern province of La Rioja.5 The study of these legendary leaders is significant for, at least, two reasons: first, they played an important role in the foundation of Argentine and Latin American literature, thanks to Sarmiento’s writings and obsession with Riojan caudillos; second, these caudillos were among the most powerful leaders in the Argentine interior, with a capacity to shape national politics. Scholars’ reluctance to consider this aspect of caudillista leadership could be attributed to common understandings of the phenomenon of personal magnetism, which social scientists often refer to as charisma. In its most common use, the concept of charisma carries a sense of emotional involvement and manipulation and is often associated with irrationality and political incapacity on the part of the followers. The phenomenon of charisma has, in fact, been considered to be exceptional and idiosyncratic to allow valid generalizations. Given the explanatory limitations of this concept, historians merely acknowledged that the phenomenon was at work, but failed to systematically explore its workings.6Some social scientists have, however, called into question the idea that charisma irradiates from the persona of the leader; in fact, it should be viewed as a reciprocal relationship between leaders and followers. “One has charisma,” James C. Scott says, “to the extent that others confer it upon one; in other words, it is the attribution of charisma that establishes the relationship.”7 By this definition, followers are a fundamental part of the equation mainly because it is their “cultural and social expectations that exercise a controlling or, at least, limiting influence over the would-be charismatic figure.”8 In a creative study of the Saravia brothers—strongmen of the Uruguayan-Brazilian borderlands—John Charles Chasteen has recently proposed a revision of caudillista leadership and charisma along these lines. According to Chasteen, charismatic leadership must be analyzed less in terms of leaders’ personal qualities than as a relationship between leaders and followers: “The charisma of the Saravia brothers was in the eyes of the beholders who projected their own values onto the strongman.”9If charisma is conferred upon and if charisma lies in the eyes of the beholder, then the historian should try to reconstruct the beholder’s gaze. In other words, the charismatic appeal of the caudillos should be explained in terms of the followers’ perceptions and representations of their leaders. My principal argument is that the charisma of the caudillos derived from their followers’ expectations, and it is possible to make sense of its workings by focusing on their representations of the leaders.This approach requires close attention to the culture and expectations of the followers. According to Scott, charisma is culturally specific: “what is charismatic for an audience is not compelling for another; what works in one culture, falls flat in another.”10 This relationship between leadership and cultural specificity has also been recognized by Clifford Geertz, who argued that an analysis of any charismatic figure requires a serious study of the symbols and conceptions of that society.11 In his study of Queen Elizabeth’s charisma, Geertz showed how she “became a moral idea” in the British political imagination: Elizabeth was “Chastity, Wisdom, Peace, Perfect Beauty and Pure Religion, as well as Queen, and being Queen she was these things.”12 Similarly, my research suggests that gauchos perceived caudillos to be more than simple party or military leaders. Representations of caudillos touched upon a vast array of significant cultural and political experiences in post-independence rural Argentina, and were greatly influenced by popular notions of power, authority, justice, patronage, supernatural qualities, masculinity, patriarchy, as well as gauchos’ definitions of Unitarian and Federalist Party identities. As Geertz observed in the case of Queen Elizabeth, in the representations of caudillos, “everything stood for some vast idea and nothing took place unburdened with parable” and, thus, they also became a “moral idea.”13A study of caudillos’ charismatic appeal, therefore, reveals as much about the leaders as about the culture of their followers. The cultural specificity of the phenomenon has also been subtly recognized by Chasteen who, appropriately, categorized caudillos as “culture heroes.”14 And it was the role of gauchos’ values in the construction of the charismatic appeal that explains, in part, the emotional bond between the caudillos and the followers; it was a relationship based on gauchos’ obedience to and admiration and fear of their leaders.15The study of the representations of caudillos also raises questions concerning the role of oral culture in the formation of the nation. In the nineteenth century the Argentine interior was poor and largely illiterate, and representations of caudillos took place mainly in the realm of oral culture.16 Popular jokes and speeches featured caudillos as protagonists, but most of the repertoire about them took the form of songs and stories. This repertoire was part of a politicized oral culture whose pieces circulated throughout the provinces, put the people from different regions in contact with politics and their protagonists and, in the process, helped define a political space of national dimensions in the mind of the audience. In nineteenth-century Argentina, oral culture and the repertoire on the caudillos played a fundamental role in the slow process of nation formation. Thus, the study of the representations of the caudillos and of the workings of oral culture enable us to question Benedict Anderson’s assertion about the exclusive role of “print capitalism” in the process of nation-building in nineteenth-century Latin America.17Another concern of this article is to establish a dialogue with the growing historiography on caudillismo and federalism in nineteenth-century Argentina. Recent works have shifted the focus from the persona of the caudillo to the study of discourses, cultural and institutional practices, and the importance of law in caudillista regimes, and most studies have focused on the government of Juan Manuel de Rosas in the city and province of Buenos Aires.18 Particularly relevant are the insightful studies on the representations of Rosas and federalism in the writings of the intellectuals and the politicians of the regime, as well as in the public festivals organized and sponsored by the state.19 These studies have shown that Rosista discourses had an important republican content that reiterated the rhetoric of the independence and the Rivadavian period by presenting Rosas as the most virtuous republican of all—the “Great Citizen”— and federalism as the realization of the good republic. In this respect, my study of the oral representations of caudillista leadership and, to some extent, of federalism in La Rioja offers a very different perspective. On the one hand, this article shows how agrarian conditions, ethnic relations, and political traditions specific to the region shaped the representations of caudillos and federalism in La Rioja. On the other hand, unlike studies of the writings of intellectuals or the public festivals that do not shed light on how their messages were actually received by the general public, this study of the oral repertoire in gaucho songs brings the historian much closer to the voice of the illiterate majority.20 My research shows that classic republicanism or the rhetoric of the revolutionary period only had an occasional and very limited influence on the oral representations of the caudillos and federalism in La Rioja. The representations of caudillos were shaped by folkloric archetypes that expressed concepts and ideas about holders of power that preceded independence and that were foreign to republicanism.To study the representations of caudillos, I consulted several collections of popular songs gathered by folklorists in the early twentieth century. In addition, I used the Colección de folklore de la encuesta docente (a folklore collection gathered by teachers), which is exceptionally rich in content and unique in Latin America, and comparable to the Federal Writers’ Project of the Works Project Administration (WPA) in the United States. This collection, which has been ignored by historians, is made up of hundreds of dossiers containing songs, tales, testimonies, proverbs, and superstitions from different parts of the country. The material was collected in 1921 from informants, a majority of whom were at least 70, 80 or 90 years old and lived in rural areas; by virtue of their education and experience, they belonged to the nineteenth century and some of them had been either protagonists or eyewitnesses of the phenomena under study. Thus several collections of folklore, and specially the songs and stories collected in 1921, offer a unique opportunity to study gauchos’ representations and perceptions of caudillos. The use of folklore raises methodological questions that will be also explored in the course of this article.21During the nineteenth century, politics occupied an important place in the oral culture of the provinces of the interior, and many of the songs remained in the collective memory of the provinces in the early twentieth century. Over 250 songs, among thousands of pieces collected by teachers in 1921, had a strictly political content; some of them focused on the political lives of caudillos. In the case of the caudillos from La Rioja, 8 songs were devoted to Facundo and 21 to Chacho.22 The geographic distribution of the songs collected suggests the extent of their circulation. Songs that had as their protagonist the Riojano caudillos, for example, appeared not only in the province of La Rioja, but also in Córdoba, San Luis, San Juan, Catamarca, Tucumán, Salta, and Jujuy. The survey of 1921 showed that collective memory also preserved a good number of stories featuring the caudillos as protagonists: 22 stories about Facundo and 13 about Chacho were collected in the provinces of La Rioja, Catamarca, and San Juan.Testimonies from some of the caudillos’ contemporaries illustrates the importance of the songs and stories in Argentine politics. In 1862 an observer noted that after Chacho had successfully resisted the Porteño troops, the gauchos were simply raising the power and prestige of Peñaloza in the provinces of the interior “by singing the glories of the general.”23 And General José María Paz recalled that during his campaigns in the province of Córdoba in the late 1820s, besides confronting Facundo on the battlefield, heThe beliefs that circulated in the form of stories and songs, and the resulting perceptions that they generated among the rural population of Córdoba, were key elements of the gauchos’ loyalty to the Riojano caudillo.Oral culture, as Paz recognized, was a political domain, a space where the struggle between Unitarians and Federalists was waged. Humor was also used as a weapon in this conflict and Unitarian and Federalist leaders became protagonists (and targets!) of jokes. During the 1840s a Unitarian from Santiago del Estero named one of his horses “Juan Manuel” (referring to Rosas—it was another way of placing the Federalist caudillo in the camp of the barbarians / enemies of civilization).25 In 1862 when Catamarca was occupied by the Unitarian troops from Buenos Aires, a poor black defiantly called a dog passing by “Bartolo” (referring to Bartolome Mitre, the Porteño leader of the Unitarian Party), an insolence that cost him 500 lashes.26 And after the death of Chacho in 1863, a Unitarian couplet used the sky blue and red colors that identified the Unitarians and Federalists, respectively, to ridicule him: “Peñaloza died / he went straight to heaven, / but when he saw it was sky blue / he went back down to hell.”27Despite its contentious nature, oral culture seems to have been dominated by federalism. A quick review of 205 songs collected in 1921 about the conflict between the two parties indicates that nearly two-thirds of them were Federal ist.28 And if we consider the presence of the leaders of both parties in those songs, the predominance of federalism is even more pronounced: whenever leaders of both parties were portrayed in a positive manner, Federalist caudillos outshined the Unitarians, nearly 80 percent; for example, Federalist caudillos such as Urquiza, Facundo, Rosas, El Chacho and Felipe Varela were more often evoked than Unitarian leaders such as the Taboadas, General Lavalle, General José María Paz, General La Madrid, Bartolome Mitre, and Domingo F. Sarmiento.29 Although these comparisons do not proportionally reflect the support for both parties, we can certainly consider them as a symptom of the predominance of federalism in the oral culture and the pervasiveness of this partisan identity among the illiterate, the main users of oral culture. This predominance is also suggested by the positive identification of some Federalist caudillos with the popular art of composing songs. In two versions of a story that involved Rosas and Felipe Varela, prisoners of the caudillos composed two songs, which eventually became famous; and in recognition of the prisoners’ ingenuity and creativity, the Federalist leaders rewarded them with their freedom.30The more comfortable classes in the small urban centers of the interior also consumed, modified, and added elements to this repertoire. The private diary of Ramón Gil Navarro Ocampo, a Unitarian and member of the Catamarca elite, allows a rare opportunity to observe the way in which the repertoire functioned in the political arena and how it was consumed and reproduced, generating appropriations and exchanges between the repertoire of one social sector and another.Sent into political exile, Navarro Ocampo and his family were en route to Chile from Catamarca. Juan Lavaysse, an exiled Unitarian from Santiago del Estero, accompanied them. Crossing the countryside of the Province of San Juan one night in March of 1846, they “sang together the Salchichín, the Trágala, and other songs against the tyrant [ Juan Manuel de Rosas]. There were many guasos around there who were terrified when they heard us.”31 Neither the lyrics of the Salchichín nor the Trágala were recorded in the diary. The 1921 collection, however, uncovered one version of the Salchichín and it appeared, precisely, in the Province of Catamarca, and as the young Unitarian noted in his diary, the song’s clearly anti-Federalist message denounced Rosas and Juan Felipe Ibarra, the caudillo from Santiago de Estero.32 Thus, this song that the Unitarian elite from Catamarca sang in the 1840s was still extant in the collective memory of the province in 1921. The lyrics of the Trágala are also absent from the diary. Yet, the 1921 collection gathered six versions of it, but none of them were “against the Tyrant.” On the contrary, they were unequivocally Federalist and Rosista,33 which suggests that both the Unitarian elite and the Federalist supporters from the lower classes used the same song, but with a different message. And here, the evidence leads us to believe that it was the Unitarians who defiantly appropriated elements of a popular Federalist song and changed its meaning. These songs were only the beginning of a night heavily-laden with politics. After the singing, Juan Lavaysse called together the guasos and issued the following “proclamation”:This speech to the peons and gauchos in the province of San Juan might have appeared incoherent, or at least, obscure. It is difficult to understand the intention of the Unitarian, who invoked Richard the Lion-Hearted, and it is impossible to know the impact of his remarks on the gauchos. However, other parts of his proclamation are not so difficult to decipher. Part of his speech was a convocation of contradictory figures who formed part of the religious and political cultures of the audience and whose common denominator was to be (or better, to have been) in positions of power. Among those who were on the march against Rosas was the Pharaoh, the biblical archetype of tyrannical power. On the other hand, borrowing from the rhetoric used during the wars of independence, Lavaysse invoked Moctezuma. In sermons and proclamations priests and lay patriots had as one of most and whose at the of had years of the Unitarian from Santiago the Porteño caudillo with the and that family the Rosas the of good of the of religious culture as the for his message was not This aspect of popular culture was one of the most to be by any in the loyalty of the gauchos. the Unitarians had been from that because of their lay and The gauchos that the Unitarians an to but Lavaysse to that in his proclamation it was Rosas who was associated with the these by the between politics and was a realm occupied by federalism and speech not the repertoire of this politicized in the countryside of San There was more to the of the to Juan the who stories about the lives of [ Juan The the of two Federalist Facundo who had been years and Juan Felipe Ibarra, who after years in power was still in of the province of Santiago del how the Unitarians, whose had under Quiroga and Ibarra, the stories of the from Navarro diary that Facundo as most tyrant of those how Quiroga and were that This might also the Unitarians to the of the two caudillos, of the of a Unitarian intention have been to an of the caudillos that from that among the however, on this as the Unitarians a difficult a / a / Quiroga I my / for Ibarra, my least the gauchos associated Facundo with the Santiago Thus, the stories about caudillos was another oral in which both elite and gaucho political to how oral culture functioned in the political the from Navarro diary suggested other of this type of political the took place in March 1846, when the of foreign in the province of Buenos as the institutional among the the provinces upon the formation of a national and the Argentine still this took place in the countryside of the province of San Juan, the Unitarian and the illiterate gauchos invoked the caudillos who the provinces of Santiago de Estero and Buenos Aires, as well as the caudillo who had La Rioja for perceived these caudillos their common use of songs, and proclamations a political that was part of the struggle between Unitarians and The gathered with Navarro Ocampo in San Juan that those whose and lives the recognized that the struggle Buenos Aires, Santiago de Estero, San Juan, Catamarca, La Rioja. The of by Unitarians and Federalists, had a common political space in which the struggle took a common political space that was one of the the protagonists the process of nation formation. And it is possible to this process as early as A Unitarian song composed in that denounced Facundo Quiroga as an to the of the Riojan Unitarians and the to / / to on the / of Riojan Unitarians became of Thus, the political conflict and in one of the parties was a sense of between people of these two idea that the conflict between and federalism those provinces was a of other as oral culture played a role in the formation and of that political The use of oral culture recognized that most people were illiterate and was by two first, and singing was an essential part of that and second, in those provinces the majority of the population the same political that a recognition of the national political space not from the of a social sector but from the conflict that both gauchos and this was through In other words, the of a national political space was being shaped by and political This the process of nation formation of the exclusive of and of nineteenth-century culture such as and and it also in the realm of popular culture and among the songs from Songs were composed about political but the main in the and were by folkloric In stories from folklore and caudillos for but it is difficult to the with political Although the presence of caudillos in these is their political are and stories formed a and circulated for their of and Thus, in 1921, when the his version of the assassination of he by a for the death of more the song explanation of the assassination of the and stories often archetypes and from the oral culture of the Argentine interior and from other oral cultures as These elements were from a repertoire and were to for and explanation that political had The political of a caudillo however, not to the archetypes and of the oral culture. such of oral culture and politics to the political of a his in and elements of his personality had to least to some the and archetypes of the oral culture and the of that A between the caudillos’ political and and the values in the culture made some of them whose lives and into the of oral use of and and the of their by Facundo and two Federalist caudillos, was a reciprocal on the one hand, it the and moral content of the repertoire a political on the other hand, this of put the of the caudillos in contact with and values this and their Thus, the process not only politicized the expressed in the oral culture but also shaped the figure of the caudillos, them with the and their helped to In this process the caudillos and their party became moral the songs and stories collected in 1921, through which we reconstruct the of the caudillos in the oral culture of the nineteenth century, during the of the caudillos, or at least, in a significant period after their they have been a from a much or of in the case of the The use of folklore should with the use of other of songs and stories are with and by private testimonies, and that allow us to the and archetypes associated with the caudillos and to establish a dialogue between and for example, Navarro private diary, in 1846, is to some of the songs collected in 1921 and to how they were used in the political between the songs and the stories also enable us to the repertoire. The more political and by them more in In addition, some songs in and archetypes that with the and archetypes of the stories. the specific political in the songs as by which to the and archetypes that the songs and stories as of the and the way they the also that the songs and the stories belonged to the nineteenth century during the of the caudillos. who an about of was years must have been in and had the and education of a of the nineteenth a story that involved Facundo heard my who was in of another Similarly, Manuel who was years old in 1921, explained that he heard about the 1862 and of from his the and because at that I was years And Felipe Paz, from in of La Rioja, who was 90 years old in 1921, his story about the assassination of Chacho by was a of General what was the relationship between oral culture and the it be that some of the pieces collected in 1921 were actually of songs and stories that circulated in or popular The research on these in nineteenth-century us from any and the evidence from my own research to two different On the one hand, the and the of the death of Facundo circulated in and throughout the provinces during the and generating oral some of which were collected in 1921. On the other hand, the songs and stories about the death of Chacho how difficult it was for the to and to in the oral culture. The death of Chacho in 1863, and it became the of oral and after the it became a popular in the popular of and his the oral versions of 1921 are with the versions of popular literature, it is that they have different and the oral versions of 1921 the and on the death of Chacho that circulated through

Organized Labor in Latin America. By Robert J. Alexander. [Studies in Contemporary Latin America.] (New York: Free Press. 1965. Pp. x, 274. $5.95.) Organized Labor in Latin America. By Alexander Robert J.. [Studies in Contemporary Latin America.] (New York: Free Press. 1965. Pp. x, 274. $5.95.) Ramón Eduardo Ruiz Ramón Eduardo Ruiz Smith College Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 71, Issue 3, April 1966, Pages 1104–1105, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/71.3.1104 Published: 01 April 1966

Gender, Health, and Society in Contemporary Latin America and the Caribbean takes a multilayered approach to the contemporary peoples of Latin America, the Caribbean, and Latinx peoples in the greater diaspora. Central to this edited collection, and critical to its creative significance and contribution, is the conceptual unification of gendered health, the embodiment of identity, societal structures, and social inequality, and the ways in which gender, health, and society intersect daily. By emphasizing the complex ways in which gender and health intersect in Latin America, the contributors to this collection offer a more detailed look at how gender embodies health inequities in these populations and how societal woes impact and constrain gendered bodies in public spheres.

What are the main challenges facing taxation systems in contemporary Latin America? After outlining the origins of recent changes in the region’s fiscal configuration, we focus on three themes to answer this research question. First, we clarify the principal difficulties affecting taxation frameworks in these countries, which have led their governments to favor tax reforms and emphasize value added taxes. Second, we isolate two important obstacles to taxation reform in Latin America. We then present case studies of the fate of the Chilean (1991) and Mexican (2001) tax reform proposals. Findings suggest that, in order to facilitate the successful implementation of tax reforms, governments of Latin American countries should establish a clear “fiscal connection” between tax increases and improvements in public spending. Furthermore, results underline the usefulness for governments to utilize a socially inclusive discourse—preferably emphasizing the fiscal symbolism of value added taxes-and engage in coalition building with opposition parties in parliament when conducting significant fiscal transformations. We conclude by recommending that these findings be studied across a greater number of cases, in order to verify whether a political strategy relying on these elements would represent a systematically useful tool for conducting fiscal reform in Latin America.

Gender, Health, and Society in Contemporary Latin America and the Caribbean takes a multilayered approach to the contemporary peoples of Latin America, the Caribbean, and Latinx peoples in the greater diaspora. Central to this edited collection, and critical to its creative significance and contribution, is the conceptual unification of gendered health, the embodiment of identity, societal structures, and social inequality, and the ways in which gender, health, and society intersect daily. By emphasizing the complex ways in which gender and health intersect in Latin America, the contributors to this collection offer a more detailed look at how gender embodies health inequities in these populations and how societal woes impact and constrain gendered bodies in public spheres.

Cities of the world, a world of suburbs. Transformations of ‘settlements rules’ and ‘forms of living’ in contemporary Latin America (among globalization, cars and television)

The introduction to the issue ‘Performance Politics: spectacular productions of culture in contemporary Latin America’ looks at how performance practices shape contemporary debates and determine political outcomes in Latin America in the post-dictatorial present.

This article claims that the state and, more precisely, whether the state has a rational-legal or a patrimonial public administration, affects (1) the extent to which democratic standards are met and (2) the costs of abandoning office and the support leaders unwilling to accept electoral defeat can expect to have within the state and their party. Further, this argument is elaborated so as to account for the typical political regime in contemporary Latin America, durable poor-quality democracies. Latin America’s semi-patrimonial states are held to determine this outcome through two mechanisms: selective collusion and political opportunism. The plausibility of the theory about mechanisms is gauged. Additionally, implications for the field of comparative democracy studies are spelled out.