“Who Says We Have No Clothes?” Undergarments and the Poetics of Disrobing in the Anda Qin Airs

This article examines a section in the Shuihudi 睡虎地Rishu日書 (Daybooks) entitled “Horses” (ma馬) which describes the instructions for the performance of a ritual to propitiate a horse spirit. The text is one of the earliest transmitted ritual liturgies involving the treatment of animals. It reveals a hitherto little known aspect of the role of animals in early Chinese religion; namely, the ritual worship of tutelary animal spirits and the performance of sacrifices for the benefit of animals. Furthermore, it corroborates the existence of magico-religious rituals involving the treatment of animals, and demonstrates that cultic worship of animal spirits, criticized by some masters of philosophy, was part of the religious practices of the elite in the late Warring States and early imperial period. The article presents an annotated translation of the “Horses” section, discusses its contents and significance in relation to equine imagery documented in received sources, and examines its value as a source for the perception of animals and animal ritual in late Warring States and early imperial China.

Reviewed by: Before Confucius: Studies in the Creation of the Chinese Classics John S. Major Before Confucius: Studies in the Creation of the Chinese Classics. By Edward L.Shaughnessy. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997. Pp. ix + 262 . $19.95. The eight essays in this collection (six of them previously published) show the combination of boldness and erudition that is characteristic of all of Edward Shaughnes-sy's work. The results of his investigations are always interesting and felicitously expressed, and if one sometimes resists following the author quite so far down the evidentiary and interpretive road as he himself is willing to go, the intellectual journey is always a rewarding one. The common thread in these essays is Shaughnessy's belief that the Chinese classics, although admittedly written in their final form at a time well after the era [End Page 314] to which they refer-that is, during the Warring States Period or even the Han—preserve much material that authentically refers to, and was originally written more-or-less contemporaneously with, events of the Western Zhou era. He adduces evidence from bronze inscriptions, archaeologically recovered texts, positional and calendrical astronomy, and other securely datable sources to argue for the authenticity of portions of the classics, notably the Book of Documents, the Book of Poetry, and the Book of Changes. Publication of these essays comes just when the antiquity of the classics is being challenged more vigorously than at any time since the "doubting antiquity" movement of the 1920s. In particular, the evidence presented by Bruce and Taeko Brooks and their associates in meetings of the Amherst-based Warring States Working Group tends to support a view not only that the classics were written down much later than the events they purport to describe (almost everyone agrees about that) but that much of the "historical" material in the classics is closer to legend than to fact, and may well represent later confabulation for purposes of political or philosophical advantage. Shaughnessy's Before Confucius and the Brookses' The Original Analects (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998) strikingly represent two poles of the contemporary disagreement about the nature and authenticity of the Chinese classics. As a charter member of the Warring States Working Group who has consistently dissented from its more radical antiquity-doubting positions, I am perhaps unusually well placed to comment on the questions of dating raised by Shaughnessy's work. It seems to me that the key to the synthesis that I suspect will form over the next decade or so is the nature of the archaeologically recovered texts of the Warring States Period that have emerged from the ground in such profusion in recent decades, and continue to do so. These attest to several unexpected things, including the extent to which texts were possessed, copied, and circulated at the time; the implied high level of literacy among the contemporary ruling class; the degree to which assemblages of texts from individual tombs seem not to represent schools, master-disciple lineages, or clear doctrinal or ideological groupings, but rather to testify to a strong eclectic tendency among the contemporary literate elite; and the degree to which recovered texts anticipate later received texts, but in variant and/or partial form (for example, the Guodian Laozi text, recognizably Laozi but a far cry from the complete, received Daodejing). In view of all this, it seems to me reasonable to say that on the one hand a fair amount of material may well have come down to later ages from the Western Zhou and Spring and Autumn periods (through many vicissitudes of copying, recitation, variation, repairs to broken and misarranged bundles of slips, and so on), to enter wide circulation as texts in the Warring States Period. On the other hand, the late Warring States and Han editors of the textual tradition that had come down to them collated, amalgamated, sorted, augmented, and otherwise shaped the texts to a somewhat larger degree than has sometimes been supposed, and it is extremely unlikely that any of the Chinese classics were in circulation in anything like their received form at the end of the Spring and Autumn periods. Thus, while I...

Writings that link sound to the cosmos became prominent in Warring States and early imperial times, as scholars began to elaborate on systems of intricate, resonant connections among objects in the cosmos. According to the systems of spontaneous resonance that they proposed, innate linkages among objects or phenomena not only existed, but they exerted causal effects in the world. Objects were categorized according to a system of correlations assigned on the basis of such properties as colors, tastes, bureaucratic office, virtues, numbers, directions (center, north, south, east, and west), sounds, and more. As one of the many

In imperial China (221 BC – 1911), filial piety (xiao) and brotherly obedience (ti) were two core values of family life. Confucian familism made filial piety a cornerstone of the entire social order. The original use of the word xiao from the Western Zhou dynasty (ca. 1045–771 BC) refers primarily to ritual services to deceased parents and ancestors. Later, the Confucians of the Warring States (475–221 BC) thought of xiao particularly as showing obedience and displaying respect towards parents. After the late Warring States, the Confucians again reinterpreted xiao extending it to a political dimension, i.e., obedience and respect to one’s lord. Since then, xiao as the dutiful submission of children to their parents has become the basis for both self-cultivation and the political order. Filial sons were also understood as loyal retainers to meet the needs of the emerging bureaucratic state in imperial China. Down through the centuries, parents constantly taught their children to treat elders with filial piety and brotherly obedience, this behavior being a central measure of the children’s moral worth. Although Confucian thought on the family still has its value and relevance in present-day China, it is increasingly exposed to many challenges. This situation is a consequence of the profound transformation of traditional family ethics, values and institutions brought about by the processes of modernization and globalization.

Iron and steel arms appeared in China during the late Warring States while guards on Han dynasty jian (double-edged sword) mainly continued Warring States designs. Single-edged ring-pommel sword (huanshoudao) which appeared during the same period did not have a guard. During the Jin dynasty, a type of V-shape sword guard appeared, which continued into the Southern and Northern dynasties. In the Tang dynasty, on the one hand, arms design continued Northern Zhou and Sui trends; at the same time, it absorbed Turkic and Sassanid influences from the west, which gave rise to a unique Tang sword aesthetic. From then on, V-shape guards started to gain popularity in China. Developments of this style were to have a major influence on sword guard designs during the Song, as well as among the Mongols and Tibetans until it finally attained the familiar form of zoomorphic guard during the Ming and Qing dynasties.

The cause for the decline of ancient Chinese philosophies and the triumph of Confucian classical learning in the Former Han Dynasty (202 B.C.-A.D. 2) has been laid by traditional historians mainly to the ”burning of books and proscription of scholarship” by the First Emperor of Qin in 213 B.C. or the establishment of the Confucian orthodoxy by Emperor Wu (r. 140-87 B.C.). Recently, scholarly efforts have been made to offer a more adequate analysis of this very critical development of Chinese cultural history in some arena beyond this narrow political frame. With an intellectual purview broadened by historicist insights or even post-modernist theorizing, and taking into consideration the complex politico-social and the intellectual-cultural changes of that time, it is possible to substantiate the postulation of a developmental continuum between the ”pre-Qin schools of thought” and the ”Han orthodoxy of classical learning,” both subsumed by a mode of ”historical or historicist thinking,” reflective of the intellectual and political reality experienced during the turbulent years from the late Warring States (early to mid 3(superscript rd) century B.C.) through the Qin (220-206 B.C.) to the early Han (2(superscript nd) and 1(superscript st) centuries B.C.).

Scholars have often treated the concept of xiao as an unchanging notion with a transparent meaning. In the West, the translation “filial piety” has reinforced this tendency. By endeavoring to ascertain the precise meaning of the term in pre-Qin texts, this paper shows that xiao had multiple meanings and was constantly being reinterpreted to suit new social and political circumstances. In the Western Zhou, it was inti¬mately related to the cult of the dead and its recipients extended well beyond one's parents or grandparents. The ru of the Warring States emphasized that it meant obedience and displaying respect, and made parents the sole recipients of xiao. By the late Warring States, ru recast xiao not only as obedience to one's parents, but also as obedience to one's lord. Filial sons were reinvented as loyal retainers to meet the needs of the newly emerging bureaucratic state.

This article examines ji 記 in received and excavated texts from the late Warring States, Qin, and Western Han periods. In pre-imperial texts, the word rarely appears, and when it does, it usually refers to records of historical events, precedents, or authoritative knowledge, but the word, in contrast to later periods, never means “note” or “letter.” By contrast, Western Han documents from the arid northwest regions contain many examples of texts that self-identify as ji. These ji are best characterized as less formal notes or letters that invited or required exchanges of items or information between people. The articles argues that this incorporation of ji into different kinds of administrative work gave the word a wider and subtler palette of meanings than it apparently enjoyed in the pre-imperial period, judging from the extant sources. The shift is echoed in descriptions of practices at the Western Han imperial court. Thus, a closer look at ji reminds us that administrative texts help us understand not only government operations, but also shifts in manuscript practices during the early empires.

214 China Review International: Vol. 1, No. 2, Fall 1994 would have been much more valuable if it had focused on the patterning of relational networks in Pacific Asia through a more structured analysis of relational linkages, as done in the chapters by Gereffi and McMichael. Won Bae Kim East-West Center, Honolulu $ # ® Randall P. Peerenboom. Law and Morality in Ancient China: The Silk Manuscripts ofHuang-Lao. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993. Hardcover $59.50, Paperback $19.95. Combining a close reading of the Huang-Lao Boshu (Huang-Lao Silk Manuscripts ) with recent developments in Anglo-European legal philosophy, R. P. Peerenboom identifies the unique characteristics of Huang-Lao thought by comparing its philosophical position on law and morality with the views of several classical philosophers. This study consists of two parts: the first (chapters 1-3) defines the Huang-Lao thought of the Boshu, the four silk scrolls attached to the Lao Zi Text A unearthed at Mawangdui in 1973; the second (chapters 4-7) distinguishes the thought from the ideas of several classical philosophers and considers its evolution from the late Warring States period through the Han. Peerenboom contends that Huang-Lao represents a "counter-current in classical Chinese thought" because it promotes "foundational naturalism coupled with a natural law theory." The thesis challenges several regnant claims concerning the general characteristics and specific features of early Chinese thought. Part 1 begins with a brief survey of Huang-Lao studies summarizing current debates concerning the tide, authorship, and dating of the Boshu. Peerenboom suggests that the text was probably written by an author(s) from Qi or Chu and dates from the late Warring States or Qin to Han periods. According to the author , Huang-Lao thought is best understood as a "foundational naturalism." First, as naturalism, humans are conceived of as part of the cosmic natural order understood as an organic or holistic system or ecosystem. Second, Huang-Lao privileges the cosmic natural order: the natural order has normative priority. It is taken to be the highest value or realm of highest value. Third, and correlate to© 1994 by University the second, the human-social order must be consistent and compatible with the ofHawai'i Presscosmic natural order rather than nature and the natural order being subservient to the whims and needs of humans. Huang-Lao advances a foundational naturalism in that the cosmic natural order serves as the basis, foundation, for con- Reviews 215 struction ofthe human order. This means, in the case ofthe Boshu, not simply that human behavior and social institutions are to be modeled on the way of nature. The natural order constitutes the foundation for the human social order in the more radical sense that the correct social order is held to be implicate in the cosmic order. The task of humans is to discover and implement it. In this way, the Boshu naturalizes the human order by grounding it in a predetermined natural order. The foundational character of Huang-Lao naturalism is signaled primarily in three ways: by the transcendence of the cosmic natural order, the realist underpinnings of Huang-Lao philosophy and the author's correspondence theory oflanguage and epistemology. (pp. 27-28) A strength of the book is that his theoretically systematic account of"foundational naturalism" captures aspects of Huang-Lao cosmology. The corresponding problem, however, is a tendency to oversystematize a text that is less uniform than Peerenboom assumes. For example, numerous passages in the Boshu that refer to the triad Heaven, Earth, and Humanity (tiandiren) often grant human and natural models ontological parity and depict an ideal ruler who derives standards from both. They indicate that nature was not the only model for the ruler and that it was not always the most privileged of models; nor was it simply discovered and replicated by the ruler. (See for example Mawangdui Hanmu boshu 49, lines 1314 ; 62, lines 14-15; 63, lines 1-2; 66, line 2; 71, line 1; 76, line 5; and 81, line 15.) To analyze the legal philosophy of the Boshu and to distinguish it from other classical legal theories, Peerenboom presents a thoughtful and insightful analysis of several interpretative theories of...

The Shifting Contours of the Confucian Tradition Philip J. Ivanhoe Imagining Boundaries: Changing Confucian Doctrines, Texts, and Hermeneutics. Edited by Kai-wing Chow, On-cho Ng, and John Henderson. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999. Pp. 269. Hardcover $74.50. Paper $25.95. Imagining Boundaries: Changing Confucian Doctrines, Texts, and Hermeneutics, edited by Kai-wing Chow, On-cho Ng, and John Henderson, is an anthology containing nine original essays plus an introductory chapter written by two of the three editors. The essays offer contemporary theoretical accounts of the practice of Confucian interpretation, examine traditional Chinese views on orthodoxy and heresy, and explore issues regarding syncretism and the struggle for self definition among a range of Confucian thinkers. The volume offers a rich resource for students of the Confucian tradition, and a number of the essays will be appreciated by anyone interested in the general or comparative study of traditions and their interpretation. I learned something important from every essay in this book, and each made me think about new issues in new ways. Some left me with questions as well as answers, which is often a mark of the best original scholarship. In "A Problematic Model: The Han 'Orthodox Synthesis,' Then and Now," Michael Nylan argues that there was no orthodox synthesis in the Han and that for most of the period the notion of what constituted being a Confucian was in a fluid state, much as it was during the late Warring States period. One of the first claims Nylan musters in defense of this view is the inherent vagueness of the term ju. This is a very good point, and one might support it further by noting that such vagueness can be found even within the Lunyü itself. If we consider Confucius' various "disciples"—several of whom he criticizes and some of whom he denounces in the course of the Lunyü—we find examples of all three senses of the word ju that Nylan describes (pp. 18-19). Nylan also is surely right to claim that contemporary scholars tend to read too much Neo-Confucianism back into the tradition, often accepting the accounts of later Confucians as accurate history. I wonder, though, whether her standard of "a single synthesis" (p. 23) might represent an example of reading later, idealized Confucian views back into the tradition. The ideal of "a single synthesis" strikes me as offering too high a criterion for any period of the Confucian tradition. Nylan begins by citing "the Ch'eng-Chu masters' palpable distaste for Han Confucianism." However, no one should accept the idea that the "Ch'eng-Chu masters" ever represented all of the Confucian tradition. Not only was there the competing Lu-Wang [End Page 83] school; there were also significant philosophical differences even at the very heart of the "Ch'eng-Chu orthodoxy"—for example, between the Ch'eng brothers themselves. In other words, Nylan's arguments against the idea that there was some clear and distinct definition of what constituted being a Confucian in the Han can be extended, with various qualifications, to the entire breadth of the tradition. Indeed, many of the essays in this volume offer strong evidence for such a view. If we accept that the idea of "a single synthesis" offers at best a notional standard that is never actually realized in practice, we might want to qualify some of Nylan's claims about the Han. For while Confucians of this period were a diverse and often eclectic group, Wu Di's decision to restrict the position of court scholar to those who had mastered the Five Classics, together with the remarkable and pervasive influence of the notion of correlative cosmology, did focus the term ju more than she suggests. Nylan's claim that there was a "partial synthesis" among late Warring States thinkers, which continued into the Han, shows the need for more nuance in our analysis of this issue. Part of the problem lies in the ambiguity of the expression "partial synthesis." Like the notion of a "shared language" this can mean everything from the minimal claim that two thinkers can talk with one another to the maximal claim that they agree about...

Donald Harper has described this chapter as a synopsis of astro-calendrical knowledge derived from the more technical literature now restored to us; the Huainanzi seems to assume the Han reader's knowledge of the technical literature, without which it would have been difficult to follow the astrological essay. The precis of Huainanzi's Heavenly Patterns chapter explains how it achieves the lofty ambition expressed in An Overview of the Essentials. Marc Kalinowski has explored the latter and their associated schema using excavated manuscripts from late Warring States and Han times. The prevailing practice among Liu An's specialists was clearly to rely virtually exclusively on schemata and devices like the mantic-astrolabe to make astromantic and hemerological predictions, rather than on direct visual observation. Even when the discussion of a topic in the Heavenly Patterns appears to match a topic in the Shiji's Treatise, the resemblance is largely superficial. Keywords: Heavenly Patterns; Donald Harper; Huainanzi ; Liu An; Marc Kalinowski; Shiji's treatise; technical literature

The manuscript Yin Shu (The Book of Pulling), excavated from Zhangjiashan Han Tomb No. 247, is the earliest surviving text on therapeutic exercise known as Dao Yin (lit. guiding and pulling). Discovered in 1983, this Dao Yin text, together with the drawings of 44 figures performing “guiding and pulling” exercises found in the Mawangdui Han Tomb in 1974, are of great significance to the study of the early history of Dao Yin. Prior to these discoveries, researchers into Dao Yin relied mainly on material found in the Dao Zang (the Daoist Canon), compiled in 1145. This led to their conclusion that Dao Yin was essentially Daoist. The development of Dao Yin reached its zenith during the Sui Dynasty (581–618 CE), when it became one of the three medical departments at the imperial medical education institution. As part of the medical reform of the second Sui Emperor, Yang Di, Dao Yin became the treatment of choice, and the employment of a large number of Dao Yin specialists to the Sui court transformed the state medical service. The compilation of Zhu Bing Yuan Hou Lun (Treatise on the Origins and Manifestations of Various Diseases) under Yang Di’s decree, incorporated an abundance of resources on Dao Yin, enabling physicians to potentially “prescribe” Dao Yin to their patients. Situating both Yin Shu and Zhu Bing Yuan Hou Lun in their social and historical contexts, this article analyses their editorial treatments, examines their different objectives, styles, and readerships, and compares the various exercises described in the two texts. It emphasizes the fact that over a period of nearly a thousand years, from the late Warring States (475–221 BCE) to the Sui and Tang periods, Dao Yin was an important medical practice, culminating in its institutionalization by the Sui government.

Although the Zhuangzi is mentioned in late Warring States and Han Dynasty texts, it was in the post-Han Wei-Jin period that it first exerted a significant influence on intellectual life, becoming a central target for both praise and criticism, much of which focused on its transcendent attitude toward Confucian social values and secular interests. This paper examines these discussions, focusing on criticisms from the pragmatically minded realist Confucian literati of the period, who largely regarded the text as detaching and distracting scholars from the pressing needs of the state and responses from the more sympathetic and idealist “Neo-Daoist” figures of the Dark Learning (xuanxue) movement. For the latter, the spiritual self-transcendence that could be found in the Zhuangzi text was not only a source of personal satisfaction and joy but also served an important function in Confucian ethics, leading readers to transcend narrow obsession with individual self-interest, political power and social status. While these debates express the state of Chinese society after the collapse of the Han Dynasty, they have also been seen as reflecting wider issues that have become prominent in modern Western philosophical and religious thought, notably the concept of nihilism, an association that is here critically assessed in detail.

This chapter examines different views concerning the nature of and grounds for dào (the Way), the central architectonic concept in late Warring States thought. The discussion considers views on which dào is fixed by nature, as well as the claim that people’s nature provides a built-in dào to follow. It examines texts that present dào as primarily a natural or cosmogenic process, in which wise human agents subsume themselves. It then explores a ‘craft’ conception of dào, on which human dào is a construct justified by how effectively it engages with natural conditions. This view overlaps but contrasts with Xúnzǐ’s cultural constructivism, on which human dào is an authoritative system of cultural and political norms and institutions developed by epochal cultural leaders. Finally, the chapter looks at the pragmatic pluralism found in parts of the Zhuāngzǐ.

Liquid residue analysis of Chinese bronze vessel of the Han Dynasty