Who Constructs the Izhma Komi’s Heritage Today? The Social Contract as a Nonlegal Tool to Realize the Human Right to Cultural Heritage

This article is based on reassessment of the contemporary results of counterinsurgency and nation-building in Afghanistan. Nation-building initiatives have been started in the country since the Bonn agreement in December 2001. This agreement brought into reality the current governing system of Afghanistan. Counterinsurgency in Afghanistan has been initiated in full mode since 2009 after a sound success on Iraqi frontier. However, each operational area is bringing its own specifics into play. The same was with Afghanistan. The newly established constitutional presidential republic has faced with inheritance of unresolved sensitive ethnical identity issues, confrontation between different groups for self-governing authority and security of essential resources. These preconditions have brought a diversified and even confrontational social environment into reality. Prolonged military operations in Afghanistan could show that diversified social environment and misevaluated cultural heritage has led to misleading assumptions that centralized presidential governing system could become an effective ruling model for post-Taliban country. One of the key notions of this article is that historical lessons taught by long years of colonialist rule in Afghanistan has not been learned and misevaluation of diversified and confrontational local entities has brought another historical lesson of Afghan tribal resistance. More than that, diversified and confrontational entities of Afghanistan have not been a favorable subject for possible social contract. The term social contract was introduced as explanatory method of national political behavior and systemic structure by Jean Jacques Rousseau in 18th century Europe. Afghan society has become the subject to this model of political philosophy only as counterinsurgency campaign gained full capabilities around 2009. Reassessment of long term nation building efforts in this article is based on evaluation of Afghan social contract’s progress.

Scotland's two national parks (Cairngorms and Loch Lomond and the Trossachs) represent a new institutional approach to the governance of protected areas, with a wider focus on sustainable development and working in partnership as well as protecting natural and cultural heritage. The stated purpose of the Cairngorms national park, as presented in its plan (CNPP), is to achieve its four aims in a collective and coordinated way. Our ongoing evaluation of the plan development and implementation found that stakeholder deliberations tended to focus on three broad objectives: to protect its special qualities, to deliver sustainable development and to integrate potentially competing interests. The paper reflects on the role the Scottish research community could play in supporting the delivery of the CNPP and therefore the National Parks (Scotland) Act 2000 using these three objectives to structure the analysis. The paper ends with five recommendations for how researchers can work ‘with’, not just ‘in’ or ‘on’ Scottish national parks. These suggestions have application beyond the specific context of the Cairngorms, as the paper speaks to researchers' social contract with society and the requirement to demonstrate the relevance and impact of research.

The “social contract” is the most famous philosophical text of Zac Jacques Roussos, which was to influence the intellectual and political movement of the 18th century. By publishing the “social contract” or “Civil Law Principles” in 1762, Rousseau, presenting his theory of the state and seeking the foundation of civil society, attempts to expose the conditions of a stable and just state by putting freedom as a precondition for law and the common good must be lawful. A central place in its political theory is the concept of general will, which is in the general interest (otherwise the common good) and on which the idea of a favored constitutional state is based. We estimate approximately the size of the external economy by the method of the Contingent Valuation Method (CVM). The Contingent Valuation Method (CVM) is a survey-based technique, frequently used in Experimental Economics, especially useful for the valuation of non-market resources/goods/services, and cultural heritage objects (of aesthetic, historic, scientific, or social value), such as conservation of monumental remains and preservation of the physical and anthropogenic environment.

Developing a Methodology to Evaluate Various Parameters of the General Interest as Defined in Political Philosophy of J. J. Rousseau

The Indonesian nation is a pluralistic nation, especially in religiosity. This is becoming a nation is rich in differences. The fact that it can not deny, that, the existence of normative standards that are owned by their respective religion. These religious norms when viewed at a glance, only to the extent of universal teachings and values of religious open to consensus. However, if further review, in these religions there are also religious norms that are partial-specific, such as religious doctrine, which is certainly difficult strived occurrence of a harmony. This is based on the reality that everything must be followed by a doctrinal interpretation, and in turn will establish religious fanaticism among his people. Of this fact, it can be ascertained that the conflict across religious doctrine among the adherents of a religion will continue. Hence, it is necessary to build an awareness of the plurality of religions in this country. Pancasila as the nation's basic philosophy is the ideal model of a plurality basis, Pancasila is a result of the contemplation of the founding fathers of the open-minded and tolerant in religion and was the embodiment of traditional values and cultural heritage. Order to create a harmonious and democratic life in this country, it is important to review the Pancasila as the foundation of religious plurality in Indonesia. Pancasila is the objectification of the universal values in every religion and belief, Pancasila is the philosophical basis of the intersection or along the Indonesian people in religion, with the supreme deity, please indicate that this nation with living up to her religion, Indonesia has one the same religiosity, namely joint recognition of the supreme deity. Pancasila is a social contract and state and nation.

The legal frameworks that govern access to information are essential for safeguarding a sustainable, creative ecosystem. Institutions, such as libraries, research organizations, educational and other cultural heritage institutions, are gateways to diverse collections of scientific production, media and other cultural artefacts. Enabling access to creative works requires careful balancing of the interest of creators, producers of information, publishers and users of that information. While copyright law has traditionally recognized that rightholders enjoy exclusive rights, courts have only recently emphasized that users of works must also enjoy rights, which better reflects that copyright is based on a social contract with reciprocal obligations. This study explores what positive obligations must be imposed on rightholders as a consequence of the rights users enjoy under copyright law. Although specific access-enabling mechanisms already exist in EU copyright law, they are often not properly implemented or lack efficient enforcement tools. For that purpose, certain exceptions and limitations must be made mandatory, prohibitions on contractual override must apply horizontally, privileged institutions should enjoy enforceable rights to obtain copies on reasonable terms, and the existing ‘lending’ right must become a ‘right to lend’. Supporting these substantive changes is the proposal for a new governance structure for the EU copyright framework through the establishment of an independent EU regulatory body. It is only through a blend of changes that copyright can serve society and that a sound ecosystem for creators and creativity is set up making the EU fit for the knowledge economy.

The article aims to analyse the concept of normativity within the philosophy of weak thought developed by Gianni Vattimo. Weak thought refers to the idea of weakening the existence in the era of metaphysical demise, as well as a challenge to the Cartesian concept of the subject. This philosophical tradition does not entirely abandon moral normativity. Vattimo proposes a weak notion of normativity, i.e. persuasion, without claims of universal applicability. Weak normativity derives from dialogue and respect for tradition, as well as recommends compliance with specific moral principles. However, it does not consider their applicability to be universal. This kind of normativity is established on the basis of cultural heritage, agreement and social contract.

1. Managing the documentary heritage: issues for the present and future - John Feather 2. Preservation policy and planning - Mirjam Foot 3. Intangible heritage: museums and preservation - David Grattan and John Moses 4. Surrogacy and the artefact - Marilyn Deegan 5. Moving with the times in search of permanence - Yola de Lusenet 6. Valuation model for paper conservation research: a new approach for setting research priorities - Henk J. Porck, Frank J. Ligterink, Gerrit de Bruin and Steph Scholten 7. Preservation of audiovisual media: traditional to interactive formats - Bob Pymm 8. Challenges of managing the digitally born artefact - Barbara Reed 9. Preserving cultural heritage in times of conflict - Rene Teijgeler 10. Access and the social contract in memory institutions - Helen Forde 11. Redefining 'the collection' in the 21st century - G. E. Gorman and Sydney J. Shep.

This chapter lays out the conceptual framework for understanding the nexus between socio-politics and individual security in Social Contract theory and Islamic political thought. Applying the liberal concept of the Social Contract to a region in which governance is mostly neither liberal nor democratic, this chapter demonstrates that the core tenet of Social Contract theory, namely, socio-political integration for the purpose of providing inclusive security, is, nonetheless, compatible with the social, political and cultural heritage of the region. In particular, by linking the liberal theory of the Social Contract with Islamic political thought, this chapter shows that the core normative ambitions of both political theories widely overlap in defining legitimate governance on every level.

Reflexiones sobre el patrimonio y la alimentación desde las perspectivas cultural y turística

Abstract: This paper discusses shifting relationships between civic organizations and state in contemporary Russia. Drawing on a case study of provincial city of Tver, paper explores how local activists and authorities interpret citizenship and draw state-society boundaries at juncture between Socialist past and capitalism of today. The paper argues that authorities advocate a statist model of citizenship that conceives of civic organizations as an auxiliary of state, taking over formerly state-provided services and activating citizens to assist state in governance. Organizations founded during Soviet era attempt to retain Soviet citizenship model and paternalist social contract underpinning it, while organizations founded during post-Soviet period call for more participatory notions of citizenship. Keywords: citizenship, civic organizations, Russia, state ********** I think these notions are somewhat strange to us, that there should be an agreement, public decision, some joint symposia, congresses, compacts, deals. People power. Today, we need strict power--I may be wrong though--but it should be a strict vertical power arrangement, to establish some kind of order in our country. This quotation from an official of regional government in Tver, contemplating whether citizens and their organizations should have more say about local issues, captures prevailing ethos in state-society relations in contemporary Russia. While during Yeltsin era political landscape was characterized by dispersion of power from federal to regional and municipal levels and mushrooming of independent civic organizations, Vladimir Putin's and Dmitry Medvedev's terms in office have been marked by a recentralization of power and a more active and interventionist role of state in steering social development in spirit of sovereign democracy. In terms of civic activism, this process has been riddled with contradictions. On one hand, civic organizations and governmental structures have started collaborating with one another more than before, and various mechanisms of cooperation have been established. For example, two federal-level civic forums were organized in Moscow in 2001 and 2008, followed by a number of similar regional forums, and a system of federal and regional public chambers (obshchestvennye palaty) has been created that seeks to foster dialogue between state and society. (1) The authorities have also begun distributing funding to civic organizations, prioritizing in particular youth and social-welfare initiatives. (2) The political elite also actively circulate concept of civil society in public discourse and emphasize its importance--implying that concept has certain symbolic value in their own concept of political development. (3) On other hand, state has also placed several new restrictions on activism and increased its bureaucratic control, most importantly via amendments made to law on civic associations in 2006. (4) This law gives authorities considerable powers to investigate, and ultimately close down, any organization suspected of threatening the sovereignty, political independence, territorial integrity, national unity, unique character, cultural heritage, and national interests of Russian Federation. (5) According to Russia-based Center for Development of Democracy and Human Rights, law has created massive bureaucracy, complicated registration of organizations, and increasingly marginalized independent civic activism. (6) Moreover, at same time that organizations enjoying Western funding have been frequently labeled in public as unpatriotic and stooges of foreign intelligence agencies, and public protests organized by political opposition have been forcefully suppressed, Russian public sphere has witnessed a mushrooming of youth organizations, such as Nashi, which are closely connected with and enjoy considerable financial support from government. …

Museums and the Web is an annual conference sponsored by Archives and Museum Informatics.The 99 conference provided us with an opportunity to reflect on how museums are being transformed by the Web as well as to understand the challenges that they are being presented with by the demand for parallel virtual programming

Believing that cultural change must be rapid and thorough, many analysts are calling for a revolution in military culture as a necessary condition for a broader revolution in military affairs. This article argues for cultural reform in Anglo-Western armies, although much applies to other nations and other branches of service. Army transformation must draw upon the source of military strength in the cultural heritage of the host society. In the Anglo West, social capital, societal discipline, modern bureaucracy, and professionalism provide the foundation for military cohesion, discipline, efficiency, innovation, and legitimacy. Modern armies require postmodern reinvention to correct for misapplied modernism that has led to personnel turbulence, careerism, and factionalism. Although the source of economies of scale, modern bureaucracy can also undermine social stability and inhibit adaptability. Stages of psychological maturation parallel the stages of professional awareness required for balance among army stakeholders. The article concludes by suggesting a new force structure, personnel strategy, and governance system that emphasizes stability, local reputation, productive bureaucracy, professional streaming, and legitimacy for the military social contract.

A basic element that separates primates from Homo sapiens is language, which serves as a socializing catalyst for interpersonal and intercultural communication. Linguistic rules can be regarded as the ethics of communication. Without such rules, encoding and decoding of communication between a speaker/writer and a listener/reader would be impossible. Etiquette and the social emotion of shame, which have dissimilar connotations in Confucian heritage cultures of the East and Socratic or Judeo-Christian cultures of the West, are examples of moral qualities having different attributes and applications for diverse peoples. Whereas distinctive societies, cultures, and civilizations define morality based on their particular history and culture, including religion, humans everywhere are the same. Thus, drawing on Jean-Jacques Rousseau's 1762 Social Contract, the current reality of globalization requires a cultural contract that harmonizes the morals and ethics of Eastern and Western civilizations.

A basic element that separates primates from us Homo sapiens is language, which serves as a socializing catalyst for interpersonal and intercultural communication. Linguistic rules can be regarded as the ethics of communication. Without such rules, encoding and decoding of communication between a speaker/writer and a listener/reader would be impossible. Etiquette and the social emotion of shame, which have dissimilar connotations in Confucian heritage cultures of the East and Socratic or Judeo-Christian cultures of the West, are examples of moral qualities having different attributes and applications for diverse peoples. Whereas distinctive societies, cultures, and civilizations define morality based on their particular history and culture, including religion, humans everywhere are the same. Thus, drawing on Jean-Jacques Rousseau's 1762 Social Contract, the current reality of globalization requires a cultural contract that harmonizes the morals and ethics of Eastern and Western civilizations.