White-on-Black Racism and Corlett’s Idea of Racism

This chapter details the challenging social, economic and political conditions that confronted the displaced islanders upon their arrival in Mauritius, the main site of exile. Many Chagossians describe being treated as a people apart, feeling excluded from mainstream life and never feeling 'at home' in Mauritius. The chapter shows how the displacement and lack of a resettlement programme combined with demographic constraints, economic challenges and ethnic tensions in Mauritius contributed to and shaped the marginalisation of Chagossians. In our analysis, we focus on poor housing, unemployment and underemployment, ethnic discrimination, and socio-psychological marginalisation. First, Chagos islanders in Mauritius suffered from overcrowded living conditions in poor quality houses with associated educational and social problems. Second, they were marginalised economically by the obsolescence of their skills in Mauritius, experiencing high rates of unemployment, underemployment, and low wages. Third, they were marginalised socially as the targets of ethnic stereotypes and discrimination. Keywords: Chagossians; ethnic discrimination; ethnic stereotypes; Mauritius; socio-psychological marginalisation

Minoritized youth encounter racial and ethnic prejudice and discrimination in a variety of settings, including schools. Prejudice refers to harboring negative attitudes and beliefs toward targeted social groups; discrimination reflects translating those attitudes into actions that marginalize targeted groups. Exposure to racial and ethnic discrimination has been associated with numerous detrimental outcomes for youth, including poorer mental health outcomes and lower levels of academic performance. This article describes the nature of racial and ethnic discrimination encountered by minoritized youth as well as its impact on these populations. It also reviews research on prejudice reduction interventions for youth, with a focus on those interventions designed for school settings. In light of existing research, several policy recommendations support high-quality, evidence-based programming in schools.

This chapter focuses on South Asian American (SAA) experiences with immigrating to and living within the US It discusses the shifts in immigration, how these movements have influenced the sociopolitical climate, and the nature of discrimination that SAAs have experienced as a result of these changes. The chapter also discusses the psychological impact of discrimination experiences. It then focuses on two case studies, including Oak Creek's community needs after a hate crime and the case of a 12-year-old girl named Sahara, to illustrate clinical practices and therapeutic interventions to consider when working with SAAs who have experienced ethnic and racial discrimination while living in the US Acculturative stress is something that both first- and second-generation immigrants experience, though bicultural stress may be best conceptualized from the perspective of second-generation immigrants specifically. Some of the most common discrimination experiences of SAAs involve racial and ethnic discrimination.

IntroductionThis meta-analysis investigated (1) whether ethnic minority and majority members have a neural inter-group bias toward each other, and (2) whether various ethnic groups (i.e., White, Black, and Asian) are processed in the brain differently by the other respective ethnicities.MethodsA systematic coordinate-based meta-analysis of functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies was conducted using Web of Science, PubMed, and PsycINFO (altogether 50 datasets, n = 1211, 50.1% female).ResultsWe found that ethnic minority members did not show any signs of neural inter-group bias (e.g., no majority-group derogation). Ethnic majority members, in turn, expressed biased responses toward minority (vs. majority) members in frontal, parietal, temporal, and occipital regions that are known to be involved in e.g., facial processing, attention, and perspective-taking. We also found differences in neural response patterns toward different ethnic groups (White, Black, and Asian); broadest biases in neural response patterns were evident toward Black individuals (in non-Black individuals). Heterogeneity was mostly minor or low.Discussion:Overall, the findings increase understanding of neural processes involved in ethnicity perception and cognition as well as ethnic prejudices and discrimination. This meta-analysis provides explanations for previous behavioral reports on ethnic discrimination toward minority groups.

Field experiments have provided ample evidence of ethnic and racial discrimination in the labour market. Less is known about how discrimination varies in multi-ethnic societies, where the ethnic composition of populations is different across locations. Inter-group contact and institutional arrangements for ethnic minorities can mitigate the sense of group threat and reduce discrimination. To provide empirical evidence of this, we conduct a field experiment of ethnic discrimination in Russia with a sample of over 9,000 job applications. We compare ethnically homogeneous cities and cities with ethnically mixed populations and privileged institutional status of ethnic minorities. We find strong discrimination against visible minorities in the former but much weaker discrimination in the latter. These findings demonstrate how institutions and historical contexts of inter-group relations can affect ethnic prejudice and discrimination.

Addressing racial and ethnic tensions in the United States is a critical issue that requires multifaceted approaches. Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) strategies offer a promising avenue for managing and reducing these conflicts by fostering dialogue, understanding, and cooperative problem-solving among diverse groups. ADR mechanisms such as mediation, arbitration, and negotiation provide neutral platforms for addressing deeply rooted racial and ethnic tensions in a constructive manner, emphasizing collaboration over confrontation. These strategies aim to bridge gaps in communication, build trust, and promote reconciliation by engaging stakeholders from various communities in open, respectful discussions. Mediation, as one of the key ADR methods, allows for the involvement of a neutral third party to facilitate conversations and identify mutually acceptable solutions. It is particularly effective in addressing issues of racial and ethnic discrimination, police-community relations, and institutional biases, where trust and open communication are essential for progress. Restorative justice, another ADR approach, focuses on healing and repairing the harm caused by racial or ethnic conflicts, encouraging offenders to take responsibility while empowering victims to voice their experiences. However, the effectiveness of ADR in addressing racial and ethnic tensions depends on cultural sensitivity and the inclusion of minority voices in the process. ADR practitioners must be trained to recognize power imbalances and systemic inequalities that could influence the resolution process. Furthermore, community involvement and continuous dialogue are vital in ensuring long-term success and sustained peace. This abstract highlights the potential of ADR strategies in addressing racial and ethnic tensions in the USA, emphasizing the need for culturally attuned practices and inclusive dialogue. By prioritizing collaboration and understanding, ADR can play a significant role in mitigating racial and ethnic conflicts, promoting social cohesion, and fostering a more just and equitable society.

The collapse of the Soviet Union and the communist system in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) during 1988–92 has led to the revival of deep-rooted national antagonisms, which some fear may jeopardize the entire post-communist reconstruction and, in extreme cases, threaten the integrity of the state (Bremmer 1996; Norgaard 1996, p. 11). Ethnic tension has already, and tragically, derailed economic recovery in the Balkans, as well as in Albania, Bulgaria, Armenia and Azerbaijan (Allsopp and Kierzhowski 1997 p. 2). But the presence of substantial ethnic minorities has also resulted in ethnic tension and widespread discrimination in many other former communist countries, most notably Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania, the Slovak Republic and all CIS countries (Fidrmuc 1995, p. 382). Although rarely mentioned, Latvia, together with Estonia, has a higher proportion of ethnic minorities (often erroneously called nationalities) than any other transition economy. This chapter looks at the attempts which governments (dominated by ethnic Latvians) have made to change the language and culture of Latvia since independence and its impact on ethnic minorities. So far-reaching have been the effects of this legislation, that it may be viewed as state-sponsored ethnic discrimination.

Hate crimes against Asian American/Pacific Islanders (AAPIs) have surged in the United States during the COVID-19 pandemic to alarming new levels. We analyzed data from the Healthy Minds Study, and found that COVID-19 related racial/ethnic discrimination was associated with greater odds of having depression, anxiety, non-suicidal self-injury, binge drinking, and suicidal ideation among AAPI university students (N = 1,697). Findings suggest that the COVID-19 pandemic precipitated discrimination, which has been linked to mental health problems, calling for more preventive interventions to address the AAPI population, especially given their low rates of formal treatment utilization.

Sociological research has linked racism and discrimination among children to poorer health outcomes and social conditions later in life. Given the change in the political climate in the United States, highly publicized deaths of Black men and women by police, and the rise in hate crimes against Asian Americans from 2016 through 2020, our primary objective was to assess trends in racial or ethnic discrimination among children in the United States. We conducted a cross-sectional analysis of the National Survey of Children's Health (NSCH), a nationally representative survey, utilizing data from 2016 to 2020. We calculated yearly population estimates of whether a child had experienced discrimination based on race/ethnicity via a parent-reported item. We further divided the estimates by race/ethnicity and plotted linear trends over time. Data from the NSCH show that racial/ethnic discrimination reported by parents of children who are minorities increased from 6.7% in 2016 to approximately 9.3% in 2020. Indigenous children were reported to experience discrimination at high rates ranging from 10.8% in 2016 to 15.7% in 2020, as well as Black children ranging from 9.69% in 2018 to 15.04% in 2020. The percent of Asian, Hawaiian or Pacific Islander, and Hispanic children reported to have experience discrimination was between 4.4 and 6.8% during this time. Discrimination negatively impacts the developmental experiences of children, disproportionately affecting those identifying as Indigenous and Black. Therefore, addressing harmful stereotyping of Indigenous and Black cultures is necessary, especially in media targeted toward children. Providing culturally competent healthcare, critically in the Indigenous and Black pediatric population, may improve long-term outcomes by reducing discriminatory barriers to healthcare access.

We study malicious online content via a specific type of hate speech: race, ethnicity and national-origin based discrimination in social media, alongside hate crimes motivated by those characteristics, in 100 cities across the United States. We develop a spatially-diverse training dataset and classification pipeline to delineate targeted and self-narration of discrimination on social media, accounting for language across geographies. Controlling for census parameters, we find that the proportion of discrimination that is targeted is associated with the number of hate crimes. Finally, we explore the linguistic features of discrimination Tweets in relation to hate crimes by city, features used by users who Tweet different amounts of discrimination, and features of discrimination compared to non-discrimination Tweets. Findings from this spatial study can inform future studies of how discrimination in physical and virtual worlds vary by place, or how physical and virtual world discrimination may synergize.

Notwithstanding persistent levels of ethnic discrimination on the rental housing market, we have witnessed in many West-European countries a shift from targeted multicultural to colour-blind policies. At the same time, anti-immigration attitudes remained relatively stable. Whether and how these attitudes are translated in support or aversion toward anti-discrimination policies is, however, still unclear. As the first study in Europe we analyse public support for eight policy measures to tackle rental discrimination against ethnic minorities. Based on multilevel analyses among a sample of 899 adults in Belgium, we show that there is large support among the general public for testing, training and campaigning against ethnic discrimination on the housing market. General support for affirmative action measures is, however, much lower. In addition, support for anti-discrimination policies is strongly related to ethnic prejudices. People with more – especially subtle – prejudices are less likely to support policies against rental discrimination. Moreover, prejudices also mediate the effects of interethnic contacts and outgroup size on policy support. Finally, local housing market indicators do not play a significant role in the public support for anti-discrimination policies on the housing market.

IntroductionMigration continues to be one of the most pressing and difficult issues in global society and in Russian society in particular. Places of military, political, and economic instability face economic problems, the destruction of a traditional way of life, growing tensions, and people's uncertainty in regard to the future. All these factors facilitate the growth of migration flows.The academic corpus of literature contains numerous works on migration. The first academic definition of migration was given by Ravenstein (1985, p. 168).[Migration is] a permanent or a temporary change of place of residence by a person; [this is] a continuous process depending on the interactions among four main groups of factors. They are factors that influence a migrant's initial place (country) of residence; factors that influence the stage of a migrant's move; factors that influence a migrant's destination (country); factors of a personal nature, which include, primarily, a system of personal preferences, a totality of personal demographic characteristics.Most articles about migration refer to the acculturation of migrants and acculturation modeling (Berry, 1992; Khrustaleva, 1996; Gurieva, Kinunen, 2006; Pavlenko, 2001); the ethnic identity of migrants (Gurieva & Kinunen, 2006; Lebedeva, 2001; Pavlenko, 2001; Stefanenko, 1999); the dynamics of migration and adaptation issues (Belinskaya & Stefanenko, 2000; Hutnik & Barrett, 2003; Jasinskaja-Lahti, 2000; Schwartz, 1992), along with many other aspects of migration. however, there are significantly fewer articles on the psychology of potential migrants (Gurieva K Liebkind, 2001; Mirsky, 2001; Tartakovsky, 2007; Zilber & Lerner, 1996). There are no social, psychological, or sociological articles that compare different types of potential and actual migrants or forced and voluntary migrants or that identify migrants' common and specific characteristics depending on the environment of their place of residence in a single administrative entity within the boundaries of the single environment of the Russian Federation.In today's ever-changing Russian society, there have been changes not only in the types and direction of migration but also in the characteristics of the migration processes: conditions and types of migration, social and psychological characteristics of migrants, factors determining their successful adaptation and acculturation, their motivation, their features, and many other social, demographic, and psychological characteristics. Therefore, the issues that have been researched are not the kinds of migration, their stages and types, for example, but, instead, the main causes of migration. For example, ethnic migration is known to be a con- sequence of interethnic conflicts, ethnic tensions, ethnic discrimination, and lost social and cultural identity by a certain part of the population. Labor migration can be a consequence of a deep economic crisis, social and economic instability, lost jobs, and increasing poverty and unemployment within a complex political situation in general.Migration can take two forms: forced and voluntary. The most difficult for regulation are forced forms, as they have a spontaneous and massive character; they transform the existing structure of the society. Voluntary migration is generally the more regulated process. It is neither massive, nor natural; it is partially distributed in time. With voluntary migration, structural components of the society survive instead of being transformed (Table 1).[Table omitted, see PDF.]Migration as both the internal and the external relocation of people should be regulated, controlled, instead of being a spontaneous social phenomenon. In each area, as the survey of locals has shown, there are predictors of internal and external migration that we need to be aware of in order to anticipate and manage complex migration flows. There are three key factors in the migration patterns of Pskov Region residents: (1) unemployment, no jobs against a background of destroyed industrial infrastructure; (2) psychological dissatisfaction, depressed mood (no facilities for leisure, relaxation, family pastimes; lack of careers and prospects for the future); (3) social isolation, poorly developed infrastructure: seasonal isolation, lack of road networks, difficulties getting to hospitals, schools, clinics. …

Decentralization and Local Ethnic Favoritism: Micro-Level Panel Evidence from Indonesia

This study sought to analyse the nature and causes of conflict among communities bordering in Borabu-Sotik border Kenya. Cross-border conflicts have long existed worldwide, with recent ethnic and communal tensions affecting Africa, including Kenya. This study utilised descriptive statistics and a qualitative research design, focusing on churches at the Borabu-Sotik border, such as SDA, PAG, and Catholic, with a target population of 7,738 respondents. In the context of interfaith relations at Borabu and Sotik, churches play a significant role in conflict resolution through mediation and negotiations. Religious leaders actively mediate disputes and promote compromises between conflicting parties. Additionally, the church contributes to nation building by advocating for peace and supporting youth often involved in conflicts. The church collaborates with the government and other agencies to address social issues like land rights and ethnic discrimination, thus maintaining stability and security. The study used purposive and simple random sampling to select a sample size of 392 respondents, comprising 35 church leaders and 357 church members. Proportionate sampling methods were employed to categorize the sample according to churches. Stratified random sampling was usedto select the respondents, who were then given questionnaires. Data collection tools included interview schedules for church leaders, questionnaires for church members, focus group discussions, and a checklist. Descriptive statistics such as percentages, means, and standard deviations were analysed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS).

there's something in the human spirit that yearns for peace. If statesmen and generals can't stop violence, maybe social workers can. Charles Kuralt, 1997 These optimistic words from broadcaster Charles Kuralt, in response to Challenges of Violence Worldwide: A Curriculum Model, An Educational Resource (NASW Violence and Development Project, 1996), reflects both the prevalence of violence in our world and the social work commitment to minimizing it. The face of violence changes over time and place, and social workers are engaged in an evolving effort to find adequate responses. The War in Iraq, shootings in schools and work places, genocide in Bosnia and Rwanda--these are only the most salient and recent expressions of violence worldwide. Violence is defined as an act or situation that injures or harms the wellbeing of oneself or others. In Challenges of Violence Worldwide, Jane Crosby and Dorothy Van Soest refined this definition to include threats to personal security and social stability from sources including social and economic systems (through deprivation and lack of access to resources), the state (through repression, torture, police brutality, or inaction), other countries (through colonization and war) and other groups (through ethnic conflict, discrimination, and hate crimes). They connected expressions of violence to economic and social development worldwide: Just as technology crosses borders, so do violence and related problems of concern to social workers, such as poverty and unemployment; the use and production of and trafficking in illegal drugs; discrimination; and the oppression of women and children. Increasingly, leaders and citizens are coming to understand that these problems can be solved not by the United States in isolation but by a world community working together. Social workers have a key role to play in this evolving effort. (Violence & Development, 1996, p. 1) How can social workers respond to violence? In a world awash in violence, is it naive to suggest that social workers can do anything about it? In fact, a cursory review of social work ideas and involvements historically and currently reveals the deep and meaningful engagement of social workers in the pursuit of peace and social justice. It reveals social workers' commitment to reducing violence and achieving peace through the development of individual dignity and well-being, economic opportunity, equity, human rights, and democracy. It reveals that social workers have long understood that the process of promoting peace and reducing violence requires education to increase understanding and cooperative effort to enhance social and economic development. Social work's fundamental commitment to promoting human well-being within the global social and economic context drives our pragmatic approach to ameliorating violence and its consequences. Training that emphasizes the assessment of problems at the individual, family, community, organizational, national and international levels provides solid preparation for social workers seeking to reduce violence and promote peace. Jane Addams, the iconic social worker and winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, articulated the social work perspective in 1917 when she stated, among those who articulated a wider social justice throughout the world, there has developed a conviction that justice ... can be achieved only through understanding and fellowship, and that a finely tempered sense of justice ... cannot be secured in the storm and stress of war. (reprinted in Elshtain, 2001, p. 364) Sixty years later, contemporary social workers Crosby and Van Soest offered comparable, if more specific responses to current manifestations of violence. …