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When Security Overrides Transparency: The National Security Clause in Whistleblower Protection (Polish and EU Perspective)

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Abstract This article examines how the undefined concept of “national security” in both the EU Whistleblower Protection Directive and the Polish Whistleblower Protection Act complicates the application of whistleblower safeguards. It highlights the practical challenges authorities face in determining when the national security exclusion applies, and calls for clear criteria and procedures to balance transparency and whistleblower protection with legitimate national interests. The article argues that the vague nature of this exception in both EU and Polish laws generates legal uncertainty and may enable Member States to circumvent whistleblower protections without adequate justification. The Polish Whistleblower Protection Act excludes disclosures related to national security, particularly those that would violate legal confidentiality. Court of Justice of the European Union jurisprudence, however, requires that such exclusions be grounded in a concrete threat to fundamental state interests. This creates a significant interpretive burden for administrative and judicial authorities, undermining legal certainty and consistent application of the law.

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Terms related to the implementation of the Directive on the protection of the rights of whistleblowers By December 16, 2021, Directive (EU) 2019/1937 of the European Parliament and of the Council of October 23, 2019, on the protection of persons reporting breaches of EU law, the so-called Whistleblower Protection Directive (Directive). This directive will enter into force on 17 December 2021. This means that, at least for employers with 250 or more employees, the effective date of the provisions will be December 17, 2021. The directive provides for the possibility of postponing the implementation of obligations for entities employing 50 to 249 until December 17, 2023. employees. The obligation to protect whistleblowers will apply to all entrepreneurs employing more than 50 employees, but this criterion does not apply if the entrepreneur is covered by one of the EU acts listed in Annex I to the directive. This applies, inter alia, to regulations concerning financial aspects or AML (counteracting money laundering and terrorism), entities that participate in public procurement tenders or use EU funds as part of their activities. Then the entrepreneur is to be subject to the obligations to implement the whistleblower protection requirements, regardless of the number of employees. Additionally, the directive explicitly encourages the national legislator to extend the obligations also to other areas of law and a broader scope of entrepreneurs. Therefore, it will be specified in the Polish act implementing the Directive.

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  • 10.1353/hrq.1998.0005
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Commentary to: The Johannesburg Principles on National Security, Freedom of Expression and Access to Information 1 Sandra Coliver (bio) I. Introduction National security and freedom of expression and information are often viewed as pulling in opposite directions. On the one hand, governments, particularly those that feel threatened by external or internal violence, maintain that disclosure of “secret” information or airing of critical opinions can undermine the very institutions that protect the security and well-being of law-abiding citizens. On the other hand, human rights defenders point to government suppression of speech on national security and related grounds [End Page 12] as having paved the way for some of the worst human rights violations, subversions of democracy, and threats to peace experienced in the last half of this century. Yet, national security is not fundamentally at odds with freedom of expression and information. To the contrary, a clear-eyed review of recent history suggests that legitimate national security interests are, in practice, better protected when the press and public are able to scrutinize government decisions than when governments operate in secret. 2 Freedom of expression and access to information, by enabling public scrutiny of government action, serve as safeguards against government abuse and thereby form a crucial component of genuine national security. Equally, national security is a pre-condition for the full enjoyment of all human rights, including freedom of expression. Undeniably, there are circumstances in which national security and freedom of expression clash head on. For instance, protection of a genuine national security interest requires the suppression of sensitive defense information or speech likely to promote violence against the state. The conflict is exacerbated by the fact that national security and related concepts (such as “state security,” “internal security,” “public security,” and “public safety”) are so imprecise that they may be, and frequently have been, 3 invoked by governments to suppress precisely the kinds of speech [End Page 13] that provide protection against government abuse, such as information or expression exposing circumvention of the democratic process, attacks on opposition parties, damage to the environment, corruption, wasting of public assets, and other forms of wrongdoing by government officials and their associates. Moreover, courts in countries around the world demonstrate the least independence and greatest deference to the claims of government when national security is invoked. This deference is reinforced by provisions in the security laws of many countries that trigger exceptions to ordinary rules of evidence and due process upon a minimal showing by the government of a national security risk. A government’s claim of a security threat can deal a knockout blow to the main institutional safeguards against government abuse: independence of the courts, due process of law, freedom of the press, and open government. The tension between expression and national security is particularly vexing because there is little margin for error and much at stake. Quick action often is necessary to thwart a genuine threat to national security but restraints on political speech can trigger an inexorable slide into tyranny. The more fragile the democracy, the less likely it is to be able to tolerate [End Page 14] either a threat to its genuine security or the suppression of legitimate political debate. It is this profound tension that led Article 19, the International Centre Against Censorship, to convene a group of independent experts to draft a set of principles that would adequately safeguard both the right to freedom of expression and information as well as the prerogative of governments to limit the right when necessary to protect a legitimate national security interest. The result was the Johannesburg Principles on National Security, Freedom of Expression and Access to Information. 4 The Principles are based on international and regional law and standards relating to the protection of human rights, evolving state practice (including judgments of national courts), and general principles of law. While some of the Principles undoubtedly are more protective of freedom of expression than widely accepted international norms, they reflect the drafters’ view of the direction in which international law is, or should be, developing. Thirty-seven experts, hosted by the Centre for Applied Legal Studies of the University of the Witswatersrand, participated in the drafting, representing...

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  • Research Article
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Prohibition of Discrimination on Grounds of Nationality in the Freedom of Movement of Persons within the EU in the Light of Case Law of the Court of Justice of the European Union
  • Aug 21, 2021
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Prohibition of Discrimination on Grounds of Nationality in the Freedom of Movement of Persons within the EU in the Light of Case Law of the Court of Justice of the European Union

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National Security in International Trade Agreements
  • Oct 1, 2018
  • Carlos Esplugues Mota

The need to combine free trade and FDI with the protection of national essential security interests and policies has led to the incorporation of ‘non-precluded measures provisions’ in IIAs (whether BITs or FTAs) that include FDI provisions. These kinds of provisions are not new. National interest exceptions have long been found in international agreements and treaties on international trade. They have played a significant role in international trade and now have a growing impact in the field of international investments. The absence of a common universal legal framework for FDI and the enormous fragmentation of the international investment legal system, plus the non-existence of an explicit national security exception in customary international law, gives these sorts of exceptions an important role to play in relation to FDI. These special rules have been drafted in order to limit or derogate from obligations that arise under specific treaty in which they are embodied on grounds of national security. These rules recognise the right of states to ‘self-defence’, although there is much debate about the exact terms on which this defence may be actually implemented. Trade and investment are increasingly linked to security and national security. These sorts of provisions are currently gaining in importance and are increasingly applicable to FDI ex post , as a general rule, as well as ex ante in a limited number of agreements. Many of these sorts of clauses in IIAs replicate – or are based on – provisions found in the WTO treaties. The interpretation of these provision by WTO Panels and case law is extrapolated to FDI. There is support for a broadening of the scope and goals of these non-precluded clauses and for an objectification of criteria and standards on which they are based and interpreted, as well as for an adaptation of the clause to the various kinds of threats that trade and investment may generate nowadays. There are concerns about the ability of national security clauses in their current form in the WTO system and many IIAs to cope with modern-day security challenges and the need for the state to have enough power to safeguard public policy. ARTICLE XXI GATT AS THE MODEL FOR NATIONAL SECURITY PROVISIONS Article XXI GATT constitutes the model for the national security provisions. It is reproduced in GATS and in many BITs and FTAs.

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