When Is a Dragon a Horse? Principles for Identifying Stylised Animals in Ancient European Art

Summary This essay explores the place of natural philosophy among the patronage projects of Louis XIV, focusing on the Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire naturelle des animaux (or Histoire des animaux) of the 1670s, one of a number of works of natural philosophy to issue from Louis XIV's printing house. Questions particular to the Histoire des animaux include the interaction between text and image, the credibility and authority of images of exotic animals, and the relationship between comparative anatomy and natural history, and between human and animal anatomy. At the same time that the Histoire des animaux contributed to Jean-Baptiste Colbert's management of patronage and of Louis's image, it was a work of natural philosophy, representing the collaborative efforts of the new Paris Academy of Sciences. It examined natural history and comparative anatomy in new ways, and its illustrations broke new ground in their depiction of animals in a natural setting. However, the lavishly formatted books were presentation volumes and did not gain wide circulation until their republication in 1733. Sources consulted include Colbert's manuscript memoires on the royal printers and engravers.

Picture books are familiar media for children and have a great influence on children's development. Particularly, narrative picture books contribute to the development of children's imagination and provide the basis of rich cultural life throughout their lives. There are many animals depicted in picture books. Animals in narrative picture books for children often appear anthropomorphized, and depictions of animals sometimes mix real and anthropomorphic characteristics. This study focused on conversions of animals in picture books between anthropomorphic and non-anthropomorphic forms. In 591 picture books, 1,930 cases of conversion were observed. In stories with human characters, many conversions involved cats and dogs and changes from non-anthropomorphic animals to anthropomorphic forms. The main triggers of temporary conversions were human or animal-like behaviors and emotions of the characters, while the main causes of long-term conversions were the structures of the stories and character movement to different worlds or into space. The backgrounds of the conversions were deeply related to the social image of animals and to human-animal interactions. Conversion highlights the boundaries between animals and humans and conveys impressive scenes to children which should stimulate child development. The depiction related to children's development in picture books would be one of the reasons why animal picture books are so popular among children.

Comparative anatomy was first developed by Greek natural philosophers and physicians. It has had a rich interplay with Western culture since that time until the present. Our understanding of how the anatomy of plants and animals varies reflects the view we have of nature and the world. Comparative anatomy can be traced back to the ancient Greeks who made scattered anatomical observations. Aristotle, the student of Plato, made the first systematic dissections. Researchers made more detailed anatomical observations throughout antiquity, while thinkers of the Middle Ages incorporated anatomical ideas within a deeply religious culture. The Renaissance began around 1400 as an interest in early texts, including those on comparative anatomy, increased. The knowledge from ancient texts, fed by the advent of printing, led to the Scientific Revolution. Since the turn of the nineteenth century, much discussion of comparative anatomy has focused on the theory of evolution.Key ConceptsAnimal is a major kind of life form that has been distinguished from plants by virtue of possessing a sensorimotor system that gives it an ability to move around.Antiquity in classical western European history is the time period from about 800bcto 450adwhen the oldest approaches to thought emerged and the oldest texts, mostly in Greek and Latin, were written.Classification is the procedure of comparing different living things and assigning them to abstract groups such as species and genera according to specific anatomical or behavioural criteria.Dissection is the procedure of intentionally cutting open a dead plant or animal in order to discern how its parts are interconnected and organised.Evolution is the process by which one species changes into other species during long periods of time.History is the process by which the ideas, beliefs, language, cultural practices and institutions of a people change over time, often in response to events, social interactions and technological inventions.Middle Ages is the historical period from aboutad450 to 1400 which saw the rise and dominance of Christian religion and culture within the boundaries of the classical Roman Empire.Nature encompasses those aspects of the world and the cosmos that exist independent of human institutions and technological contrivances, including such things as the developmental processes of plants and animal and the way bodies are.Renaissance is the historical period in Western civilisation that succeeds the Middle Ages and precedes the Scientific Revolution of the seventeenth century, in which there is an intense desire to retrieve ancient Greco‐Roman knowledge and learning, which was accelerated by printing, the publication of books and the influx of Greek scholars after Constantinople fell to the Ottoman Empire.Scientific change is the process by which scientific accounts are modified as investigators consider new texts, ideas, observations and experimental methods.

Previous articleNext article FreeBook ReviewSouvenirs and the Experience of Empire in Ancient Rome By Maggie Popkin. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2022. Pp. 346. ISBN 9781316517567 (hardcover) $99.99.Karl M. PetrusoKarl M. PetrusoProgram in Anthropology (retired). University of Texas at Arlington Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditEmailQR Code SectionsMoreIn recent decades, souvenirs have been the subject of several publications, some in the form of delightful popular essays and personal reflections (e.g., Rolf Potts, Souvenir, Bloomsbury 2018), while others, including the work reviewed here, are scholarly analyses probing the deeper meaning and function of objects one acquires typically during travel. In the Western world in our time, the very word “souvenir” can elicit images of cheap, tacky tchotchkes. But such images are hardly characteristic of the artifacts examined here, which were not taw-dry knockoffs but rather products of careful design and manufacture. As the author ably demonstrates, ancient Roman souvenirs are of interest on many accounts, not least for the window on the world they provided to their ancient owners.In her new book, Popkin focuses on a class of portable objects she characterizes variously as souvenirs, mementos, or memorabilia, dating to a defined period of classical antiquity. She observes that neither Greeks nor Romans had a word for such items, and she acknowledges that the word “souvenir” in English is itself a slippery term. There is no doubt that ancient artifacts we now call souvenirs had many of the same functions as their modern counterparts: to evoke memories of people and places in the experience of their owners. These objects could have been intensely personal possessions, and our ability to identify the impetus for their original acquisition is limited. Only the most durable of ancient souvenirs have survived the centuries. And there is a corollary: many excavated objects that might have provoked strong feelings by their owners—seashells, rocks, fossils, coins—could also have been souvenirs, but none can be so labeled with any confidence. Early in the book, Popkin introduces the useful term “vicarious souvenirs” (8) to describe items that inspired their owners to imagine activities or places outside their personal experience.The data consist of a rather discrete number of artifacts fashioned in bronze, lead, clay, semiprecious stone, bone or antler, and glass, from findspots throughout the Roman world, dating from the Augustan period to the founding of the new capital at Constantinople (the better-known souvenirs of Christian pilgrimage are considered a separate phenomenon and are not part of Popkin’s study). She organizes these items into four categories based on what they represent. Analyses of a few featured artifacts can serve to illustrate her approaches to them.First to be considered are cult paraphernalia that evoked renowned religious sites, most prominently the sanctuary of Artemis at Ephesus. Six temple models of lead, reminiscent of the Artemesion, were recovered from a first-century BCE shipwreck off ancient Spina in the Adriatic. In the Acts of the Apostles, chapter 19, there is mention of models of the temple of Artemis made by a pagan silversmith. The leaden Spina examples would appear to be both mementos and westbound cargo; as such, they raise questions of source, transport, and marketing. Certainly, the justly famous Artemesion was always a desirable destination for persons in the Roman empire who had the means to undertake arduous and dangerous journeys. Some visitors to that sanctuary will have been religious pilgrims; others were perhaps attracted by the sheer scale and refinements of the temple as well as its extraordinary cult statue (the site was, after all, among the seven wonders of the ancient world). Perhaps demand by ancient pilgrims and tourists inspired creation of the little temples in Ephesian workshops. But the Spina models suggest that such items might have been manufactured for export. Indeed, Popkin observes that the Tyche of Antioch in Syria was especially well represented in specimens excavated far afield, in Spain, Hungary, Italy, Sicily, and Cyprus; and at Tarsus in Anatolia, terracotta fragments found indicate that Tarsus was a site of their manufacture, which suggests that production of religious souvenirs could be outsourced if demand warranted, which might in turn be evidence that a new level in supply and marketing had been reached.The author’s second category, souvenirs representing cities and sites, includes blown and molded vessels (bottles, beakers, bowls, and ampullae) in glass and metals, depicting famous monuments. The Pharos of Alexandria receives pride of place here, and the known specimens include architectural details and even identification labels. Popkin notes that metal pans labeled with the names of forts on Hadrian’s Wall in Britain might have been keepsakes for sale to Roman soldiers and veterans deployed there. Some of them appear to have been customized, perhaps even made to order. This feature suggests targeted branding for very select audiences. It recalls, inter alia, the World War I campaign souvenirs produced in Europe.The ancient souvenirs that made the deepest impression on the Roman populace—in both the city of Rome and other cities with amphitheaters—depicted gladiatorial combats and chariot races. Figurines of individual gladiators in bronze and clay, armored up and confronting their opponents in the several outfits that reflected standard arena pairings, are illustrated in the book. Popkin devotes much thought and space to their interpretation: here she moves beyond matters of pilgrimage, distribution, and marketing to consider the impact of local spectacles. The suspense and brutality of events in the arena and the circus inspired craftsmen to meet consumer demand with a variety of mementos. Together with contemporary testimonia, reliefs, and mosaics, these souvenirs make it clear that individuals who had distinguished themselves in arena combats, as well as the fastest teams in the biga and quadriga races, had devoted followings, attracting no less passion and reverence than the most celebrated sports figures of modern times. This tribal phenomenon was attested throughout the empire, even in remote areas where such events had likely never been staged. It is manifested in a variety of decorated trinkets, including oil lamps, knife handles, and fibulae. The edge of the tondo of a terracotta oil lamp (fig. 56) depicts in stunning detail a panoramic view of an audience surrounding and watching four teams of quadrigas in its center; other lamps and medallions feature pairs of gladiators facing off; and still another shows two attendants supporting a wounded combatant, who walks away unsteadily at the conclusion of his match. These miniature images would have enabled their owners to relive thrilling, gruesome, and moving events they had witnessed previously. It is easy to imagine such souvenirs being in high demand—and collected by sports fans—throughout the empire.The author’s fourth category of souvenirs focuses on the theater. Figurines of actors in costume, some with exaggerated expressions and hairdos, survive in bronze and clay. These items typically represent comic actors and mimes; images of actors on lamps and vessels are less well represented than their contemporary counterparts in the arena. Type-characters (e.g., the slave) are the most recognizable, and masks—especially comic masks—are particularly well known among actor figurines. Type-characters are more identifiable than characters in specific plays or, indeed, actual professional actors. Roman theatrical memorabilia are less well known than their Hellenistic counterparts. These finds clearly represent the world of the theater (they are characterized by Popkin as “theater merchandise,” the property of aficionados). One is inclined to consider this category as most likely to have been made and consumed locally.Popkin seeks in the early chapters to identify the meanings and functions these varied memorabilia had in the lives of their owners. She argues that possessable and portable cult statues, for instance, were polyvalent, “expressions of religious affinity, civic identity, [and] cultural cachet” (59). That workshops around the Roman world produced and distributed such images implies an effort to create and sustain a cultural koine that invited less affluent persons in the remotest regions of the empire to identify with the larger Roman community.The two final chapters present carefully constructed arguments and reflections arising from consideration of more recondite issues concerning the social and political fabric of the Roman empire. The story of the rise and fall of Rome, known in voluminous and exquisite historical detail, is arguably the most intensively studied narrative epic of all antiquity. Popkin has reached beyond the familiar primary sources and venerable histories of Rome; her research is illuminated by several modern theoretical approaches to her material that might be unfamiliar to her readers, including semiotics, technology of memory and knowledge, sociology of sport, sport theory, and Thing Theory, among others. Having surveyed overlapping ancient class- and economy-based group identifications, she considers affiliations generated in entertainment and sport. She makes clear that the empire exhibited and exploited popular culture just as all complex societies are tempted to do. The events of the arena and circus provide both impetus and laboratory for the author to explore social and psychological dimensions of these artifacts. And she is fond of the phrase “imagining the Roman Empire,” which she applies with great acuity.This is an unusually perceptive, engaging, and thoroughly readable study, originating in a small but representative sample of artifacts rarely featured in the archaeological literature. The author is to be congratulated for both recognizing their value and making them sing.Notes[email protected] Previous articleNext article DetailsFiguresReferencesCited by American Journal of Archaeology Volume 127, Number 2April 2023 The journal of the Archaeological Institute of America Views: 89Total views on this site Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/724681 Views: 89Total views on this site HistoryPublished online March 07, 2023 Copyright © 2023 by the Archaeological Institute of AmericaPDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

Orchids in the Roman culture and iconography: Evidence for the first representations in antiquity

The effectiveness of showing animal images compared to displaying human models in advertisements and the effectiveness of using animals for further marketing instruments such as brand names, mascots, logos, product packaging designs, slogans, and product shapes has rarely been investigated in the academic research. Moreover, the characteristics of the animals used (e.g., species, pose, age, and beauty) for creating effective advertising have been ignored to date. This lack of research is surprising because many companies use animal images for promoting their brands and products. Our findings indicate that advertising practice can benefit from showing animals instead of human models. In particular, we recommend using animals in advertising as follows. Both pets and undomesticated animals are found to be superior to human models in eliciting positive emotions such as pleasant surprise and happiness/joy. Furthermore, they are advantageous in evoking pleasant feelings of entertainment. If advertisers aim to induce such positive affective states in consumers, they should consider using animal images. Famous examples of this strategy are the commercials entitled “Buster, the Boxer” promoting John Lewis and “Lost Puppy” promoting Budweiser beer. The animals’ cuteness additionally positively influences feelings of entertainment. If the advertiser aims to enhance message credibility, we recommend using images of pets instead of depictions of undomesticated animals. Although we recommend using animals in advertising and in particular cute animals (infantile animals or cute species) and pets, we advise practitioners to be careful when showing animals as role models. People easily link and compare themselves to images of role models and might feel insulted. Therefore, we recommend against using animals such as the retailer Netto did in its “Netto Cats” commercial.

The reverse side of the Artemidorus Papyrus, which was latest created early in the first century A.D. in Alexandria, features 47 drawings of animals by the same illustrator. In most cases, the Greek name of the animal is given. According to an Aristotelian heading, the papyrus shows terrestrial quadrupeds, birds, fish and whales. The taxa vary: one jellyfish, one mantis shrimp, five fishes s. l., six reptiles s. l., eleven birds and seventeen mammals. The work fits into the Hellenistic tradition of realistic animal illustrations. The papyrus was obviously produced and used as a pattern book. All the animals depicted are from Africa or the Mediterranean, except for eleven which can be said with certainty to come from India and four others which occur in both Africa and Asia. The Indian animals were presented to Princeps Augustus (r. 31 B.C. - 14 A.D.) in the summer of 20 B.C. in Daphne, Antioch and in the winter of 20/19 B.C. on the island of Samos by a delegation sent by King Poros of India (ruler of 600 kings), a Gujarati monarch hoping to establish trade relations with the Roman Empire. The delegation made its way to Rome via Antioch where it split for Samos and Athens accompanying Augustus, and via Alexandria, where a number of its animals were recorded on the Artemidorus Papyrus. Some of the species portrayed are also attested to by Strabo fide Nikolaos of Damascus. Others of the same exotic origin to be depicted in Alexandria include the four-horned antelope and the cassowary examined below. The complexity of the animal depictions on the reverse of this papyrus and the numerous details pinning it to historical events are enough to put paid to the notion that the Artemidorus Papyrus is a forgery. An asiatic bird named cornica which is described in an apocryph Plinius edition cited by medieval authors, unmistakeably is a cassowary, probably the same specimen.

Published in 1694 and intended for the young Tsarevich Aleksei Petrovich, Karion Istomin’s Litsevoy Bukvar’ differs from traditional primers in its content and, in particular, didactic approach, which combines text and illustrations. Each sheet of the Bukvar’, dedicated to one letter of the alphabet, contains syllabic verses and various depictions of animals, human beings, plants, and objects whose names begin with the corresponding letter of the alphabet. Taking into consideration manuscript drafts of the Bukvar’, the analysis tries to identify the selection criterion for the animal species depicted in the manual. The author puts forward a hypothesis that one of the criteria for the selection of at least some species was the intention to familiarise the tsarevich with the images and appearance of animals present in the coats of arms of Russian lands listed in the Titulyarnik (1672), such as the asp, the serpent, the bear, and the gamayun. In this way, the tsarevich could gradually acquire knowledge of coats of arms. The hypothesis is confirmed by a gold plate engraved with eight coats of arms of territories subject to the tsar, a gift given to Aleksei by his grandmother Natalya Kirillovna in 1694. The analysis reveals that while creating his Bukvar’, Istomin referred to images of animals in the coats of arms of Smolensk, Kazan, Georgia, and Perm. This didactic principle is in line with the general “craze for coats of arms” that spread in Russian society after the appearance of the Titulyarnik.

The research aims to identify the main features and characteristics of the animalistic genre of the late 20th and early 21st centuries in the field of bone carving art of Yamal, using examples of images of animals of the region. To this end, the works of Yamal masters from the collections of the Novy Urengoy City Museum of Fine Arts, the Shemanovsky Yamal-Nenets District Museum and Exhibition Complex, the State Autonomous Institution of Culture of the Yamal-Nenets Autonomous Okrug “District House of Crafts”, as well as exhibition catalogs and collections from sculptors’ workshops were analyzed. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the fact that, for the first time, a detailed overview of animalistic subjects in Yamal bone carving art is given; in addition, for the first time, the works and names of some bone carvers (S. I. Istomin, N. L. Khorolya) are introduced into scientific discourse. As a result, the main trends in the animalistic genre were identified: the masters mainly depict animals associated with the fauna of the region in the past and present: these are mammoths, deer, bears, birds, and less often bulls, wolves, etc. Stylistic features in the depiction of animals have also been identified; most masters tend towards generalization and stylization, endowing animals with anthropomorphic features and emotional coloring. The artists reflect the proximity of man and nature, emphasizing their deep connection, making the viewer think about the need to preserve the flora and fauna of the harsh but fragile Arctic region.

The artistic image in the novel is not only the carrier of the writer’s narrative activities, but also the most vivid literary element in the story text. In American fantasy in the 20th century, writers not only created a large number of human characters with distinctive personalities, but also created many animal images full of spirituality and vitality. While absorbing nutrients from myths, legends and folk tales, they also endowed the various animals in the novel with unique psychological and emotional characteristics of humans, thereby creating a new depiction of anthropomorphic animals and supernatural animals. These animal images and the human characters in the novel together form a three-dimensional and multiple fantasy world. While expanding the cluster of artistic images in American fantasy, they also fully demonstrate the artistic charm of literary imagination and fiction.

Of the 60 metals and semimetals that are known today, only 9 were known from antiquity to the Roman period, namely copper, gold, silver, lead, tin, iron antimony, mercury and zinc. The semimetal arsenic, which occurs regularly in ancient artefacts from the beginning of extractive metallurgy, was unknown, as was nickel. It was only in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries AD that the number of metals produced by smelting increased considerably.

Previous research has established that photos of great apes, including humans, show a left cheek bias. As this bias is absent in images of lower primates and other animals, phylo-genetic proximity appears to influence humans’ depictions of nonhuman species. However Thomas et al.’s (2006) finding of a left cheek bias for dogs challenges this argument. As their analyses were underpowered, the present study sought to replicate Thomas et al.’s study with a larger sample to help determine whether human depictions of non-human animals vary as a function of their evolutionary relatedness.Photographs (N=2883) were sourced from Instagram’s ‘Most Recent’ feed using hashtags that matched Thomas et al.’s Google Image search terms: #dog, #cat, #fish, #lizard, #cute- baby, #cryingbaby. The first 401 lateral images for each hashtag were coded for pose orientation (left, right).Replicating Thomas et al., results confirmed a left cheek bias for mammals but not nonmammals. The left cheek bias was driven by images of human infants; there were no cheek biases for images of nonhuman animals (dogs, cats, lizards, fish).As a left cheek bias was evident in photos of primates (#cutebaby, #cryingbaby), but absent for other mammals (#dog, #cat) and nonmammals (#lizard, #fish), the data support the argument that phylogenetic proximity influences posing biases.

The category of “animal species” is at the heart of traditional interpretations of Palaeolithic art. In this context, animal depictions have traditionally been conceptualized in terms of the “animal species” they are supposed to represent. Moreover, the relationships between humans and animals have been discussed in similar terms. In this paper, I examine some innovative ways in which this relationship can be considered. In particular, I explore the possibility of interpreting animal images as representations of individuals, rather than just of species. Focusing on a number of pieces of rock art and portable images, and examining other kinds of activities (animal butchery, body adornment, treatment of human corpses, etc.) from the Middle Magdalenian (19,000–16,000 cal BP), I seek to demonstrate how the concept of the “individual” offers a number of interpretive possibilities beyond the traditional category of “species”. I argue that the focus on the head and face can reflect this interest in individualized animals. I also highlight the existence of practical techniques employed to create a relationship between human and animal individuals.

Although the story of Noah and the Flood (Genesis 6:5–9:17) is one of the most famous of biblical stories, an understanding of its theological significance is hardly self-evident or straightforward. Moreover, although it is one of the first biblical stories that many children encounter, through picture bookswith colorful depictions of paired animals in proximity to a houseboat, it is a story that at the present time is generating high levels of unease as to its nature as a religious text and its suitability even for adults, never mind for children. Richard Dawkins, for example, says, The legend of the animals going into the ark two by two is charming, but the moral of the story of Noah is appalling. God took a dim view of humans, so he (with the exception of one family) drowned the lot of them including children and also, for good measure, the rest of the (presumably blameless) animals as well. Although, as will be seen, this account of the story's “moral” hardly reflects an attentive reading of the text, Dawkins' attitude is representative of a widespread contemporary sense that the Bible is a far more problematic and dangerous text than has sometimes been allowed by those who revere it as holy scripture. Within modern scholarship, although the moral and theological significance of the Flood story has not been neglected, it has usually been considered primarily in conjunction with two other debates about the text: on the one hand, the mode of telling of the Flood story, and, on the other hand, the significance of the nineteenth century discovery of a strikingly comparable account within the Epic of Gilgamesh.

Niğde ili Bor ilçesi Kemerhisar kasabasında yer alan Tyana Antik Kenti’nin önemli yol güzergâhlarında olması, tarım ve madencilik açısından zengin bir bölgede yer alması, erken çağlardan başlayarak günümüze kadar yerleşim yeri olmasını sağlamıştır. Tyana Antik Kenti’nde ilk yerleşme izleri, MÖ 1600 civarı, Hititler dönemine tarihlendirilir. Sonrasında antik kent, Geç Hitit, Roma ve Bizans döneminde de yerleşme görmüştür. Ancak Tyana Antik Kenti’nde en parlak dönem, Roma Çağı’nda yaşanmıştır. Makaleye söz konusu sikkeler, Tyana Antik Kenti’nde darp edilen Roma Dönemi’ne ait sikkelerden oluşmaktadır. Bu sikkelerin ön yüzünde yer alan imparatorlar, sırasıyla Traianus MS 98-117 (Magistrate T. Pomponius Bassus), Hadrianus (MS 117-138), Antoninus Pius (MS 138-161), Marcus Aurelius (MS 161-180), Septimius Severus (MS 193-211), Caracalla (MS 198-217) ve imparatoriçe Iulia Domna (MS 196-211)’dır. Bu sikkelerin arka yüzlerinde çeşitli tanrı, tanrıça, kahraman, kent kurucusu ve hayvan betimleri yer almaktadır. Bu çalışma ile Tyana antik kentinde tapınım gören kültlerin ve kentin kuruluşuna ait izlerin sikkeler aracılığı ile tespit edilmesi amaçlanmıştır. Aynı zamanda o dönemdeki sosyal, siyasal gelişmelerin ve Romalılaştırma ile kolonizasyon hareketlerinin sikkelere yansımaları, ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır.