When clientelism is in crisis: Brokers of JDP during 2014 and 2019 local elections in Türkiye

In this article, I analyze the role of professionals (as part of the middle classes) and their communities in fostering reforms within the fields of higher education and social protection, and working towards, and supporting, the development of civil society. The analysis is based on the series of studies that explored lawmaking and policy-making processes in the fields of law, employment, social protection, rural development, tax policies and civil society development. The analysis of the work of professional communities, and the course of changes in these fields, indicates that policy networks had a major impact on the public policymaking process. These networks bring together typical representatives of the middle class: professionals, government officials, professional associations, representatives of modern non-governmental organizations, etc. The interests, upon which these networks were based, can be classified into three groups: (1) control of conditions of reproduction of the profession, (2) control of public resources in a given system (which includes, but is not limited to, control of the funding channels) and (3) control of conditions of reproduction of a given system. All these interests have a clear redistributive character, are -in general - focused on the control of public resources and have created an alliance between the middle classes and the elite. Middle classes have participated in the process of making laws and public policies in a way that has deepened the political inequalities, and to phenomena which, by analogy with the process of state capture by the elite, can be recognized as the capture of resources by the middle classes. The analysis points to an important aspect of sluggish social reforms: the lack of enthusiasm among middle classes and professional elite in fostering deep social change which is due to their ideological and redistributive alliances and strategies of ?resources capturing.?

Much of the analysis of the results of republican and local elections held in the USSR in 1989-1990 understandably focused on the dramatic victories of candidates and groups committed to a radical reform of the old system. Anti-communist majorities were elected to the parliaments of several republics. The city governments of Moscow, Leningrad and Sverdlovsk fell under the control of activists associated with the self-styled “democratic bloc” and, in summer 1990, Boris Yeltsin was elected to chair the RSFSR Supreme Soviet. Conversely, local party officials suffered embarrassing defeats in the face of competition from popular fronts united under the banner of Democratic Russia. That the Party itself was in disarray over how to respond to these challenges was reflected in the open split between rival platforms at the 28th party Congress in July 1990. Taken together, these events could easily convey the impression that old party elites “lost” the local elections of 1990 and that they lost because they failed to adapt to the new rules of democratic politics.

Romanticising Legal Pluralism Through Religious Revival in Democratic Nigeria: Crusaders, Criminals, and Casualties

Introduction Sixteen years after the restoration of formal democratic rule in the Philippines with the fall of the Marcos dictatorship in 1986, the country faces a difficult and contentious process of democratic consolidation. The country continues to contend with armed challenges from a communist-led movement and various Muslim movements, with no easy resolution in sight. In a region that was the world's fastest growing economy before the Asian economic crisis, the Philippine economy has also lagged far behind the major ASEAN countries. Two presidential turnover elections, normally important indicators of democratic consolidation, took place in 1992 and 1998. However, this process took an unexpected twist in 2001 when a massive people's mobilization, climaxed by the military's withdrawal of support, deposed the elected incumbent President, Joseph Estrada, less than halfway to his six-year term. In turn, Estrada's successor, former Vice-President Gloria Arroyo, barely three months in office, had to quell a violent march on the presidential palace by enraged Estrada supporters from the poorest classes. The broad features of the problems and challenges of democratic consolidation in the Philippines include a volatile ensemble of the following factors: a cycle of contentious politics in a state with weak capacities and political institutions, a slow-growth economy, and a vibrant but contentious civil society. In this article, three interrelated problems are addressed. First, the historical and social foundations of democratic rule in the country, and the political legacies of the transition process from authoritarian to democratic rule that continue to shape the dynamics of the consolidation process will be addressed. Second, the problems of the consolidation process focusing on the roots and dynamics of contentious politics in the country, particularly the role played by armed movements and militant social movements, will be examined. Third, new forces and players at work in the society in the process of state capability building and democratization will be identified. The Social and Historical Foundations of Democratic Rule in the Philippines To understand the complex interaction of state and society which underpins the process of modern democratic rule, one needs to situate this in the colonial context when the beginnings of limited partial elections were first introduced. Elections at the municipal level were introduced at the twilight of Spanish rule in the late nineteenth century but this was a highly restrictive process involving only the local elites. The revolutionary Philippine Republic, established in 1898, also had a system of elected municipal and provincial officials but its operation was cut short by the American colonial occupation. Reflecting the fusion of expediency and ideals of the time, the American colonial government introduced a system of regular elections starting at the local levels of government in 1901, members of the national legislature in 1907, and a president during the Commonwealth period to facilitate colonial rule by co-opting the native elites. (1) The American colonial strategy of gradually putting the native elites into power through electoral contests had the following major results. (2) By prioritizing the establishment of the institutions of representative electoral democracy, the colonial government legitimized elite rule, further entrenching the power of local elite families who were able to control the electoral process. This preoccupation with electoral democracy not only increased the power of local bosses and provincial lords but also encouraged patronage-driven corruption since the control of public resources became an essential tool for winning elections. Finally, this same preoccupation with electoral democracy undermined the building of autonomous national political institutions, such as the various agencies of the civilian bureaucracy and the police, resulting in a weak and politicized administrative state apparatus. …

Bill Moyers, Democracy in the Balance, <em> Sojourners Magazine </em> , August 2004. A wide-ranging address overlapping with OA issues in one spot: "We are also losing the historic balance between wealth and commonwealth....That drive [for enclosure] is succeeding, with drastic consequences for an equitable access to and control of public resources, the lifeblood of any democracy.

Over the last fifteen years, Spain has undergone a profound transformation in almost all aspects of its social organization. This change has been sharply reflected in the level and composition of public expenditure, which have not always been adjusted perfectly to new social demands. This has created tension which, among other consequences, has encouraged the revision of the methods of allocation, management and control of public resources. This article describes and explores some characteristics of this process, and sets out the principal guidelines which may shape the future reform of these methods.

La implementación de la Armonización Contable nos proporcionara información útil para una mejor toma de decisiones, fomentar la inversión gracias a la confianza, mejoramiento de la administración pública, satisfacción de la ciudadanía, mecanismos de control, combate y abatimiento a la corrupción. Los objetivos de la armonización contable son: Facilitar la toma de decisiones; Homogeneidad de la información financiera; Establecimiento de normas para el manejo eficiente del gasto público; Registro de operaciones de manera automática, armónica, especifica de las operaciones contables. En crea el En 1986 se crea el Public Sector Comitte (PSC), hoy conocido como el Consejo de Normas Internacionales de la Contabilidad Pública (IPSASB), a partir de 1997 el IPSASB desarrollo un programa elaborando 21 NICPS dirigido a las entidades publicas las cuales deben seguir el criterio del devengo basandose en las NIC; en 2002 se finalizo el proceso de la la aprobación de las 21 NICSP y un glosario de terminos. (Buch Gómez & Cabaleiro Casal, 2006:3) En 2008 se pública la Ley General de Contabilidad Gubernamental, esta Ley propone la creación de un sistema de información contable y financiera del sector público homogéneo en los tres niveles de gobierno.normativo común que sea aplicable en cada uno de los niveles de gobierno. El objetivo de esta Ley es establecer un marco normativo común que sea aplicable en cada uno de los niveles de gobierno. El 7 de mayo de 2008 se publica en el Diario Oficial de la Federación un Decreto que reformo varios artículos de la Constitución, con tres objetivos principales: 1. Incrementar la calidad del Gasto Publico, 2. Prevenir erogaciones plurianuales para proyectos de inversión en infraestructura, 3. Lograr el fortalecimiento y rendición de cuentas. En 2009 se crea el Consejo Nacional de Armonización Contable (CONAC) que tiene como objetivo dar seguimiento a los criterios los cuales regirán la contabilidad gubernamental, esto nos permitirá medir la eficacia, economía y eficiencia del gasto y el ingreso de los Entes Públicos. La fiscalización de los recursos públicos está regulada por la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, Ley Orgánica del Poder Legislativo Federal y Ley de Fiscalización Superior Federal. Para llevar a cabo el proceso de fiscalización estos organismos de fiscalización deberán aplicar normas y procedimientos de auditoria, deberán realizar un programa de trabajo, así como la aplicación de diferentes tipos de auditorías.

La poesía está desnuda, siempre lo estuvo, a pesar de su corte de aduladores que nos dicen que solo se engalana con los más absurdos ropajes de su conveniencia. La extensa red de silencios, complicidades y favores que recubren su visibilidad, convertida en producto cultural de las élites, ha hecho imposible la evidencia: la poesía está desnuda y su historia tiene más que ver con la exclusión y el sectarismo, que con el rigor crítico e histórico. Mientras siga en manos de las élites intelectuales, ellas mismas producto de un nepotismo y un clientelismo servil y endogámico, mientras siga disuelta entre los mitos que esa misma élite intelectual sostiene, y mientras siga presa de una investigación crítica perezosa, enrocada en el precedente, la cita y la reproducción de las tesis de los facultados para favorecer la promoción discipular y académica, nunca sabremos qué es lo que ha pasado en nuestras letras. La historia quedará escrita como hasta ahora en función de mandarinatos, redes clientelares muy disciplinadas que tejen auténticas tramas de control e influencia institucional, políticas editoriales y operaciones de promoción de determinados relatos en consonancia con el discurso dominante y, de paso, silencian o barren toda disidencia, toda oposición. Sobre esta contradicción fundamental, la desnudez de la poesía y el exceso de vestuario producido por los que han querido agostarla a su gusto, se ha construido la historia de la poesía española contemporánea. Juicios que defienden los intereses de la familia o la tendencia, constituyendo una especie de egoísmo gregario que sólo protege sus intereses de grupo; unido, paradójicamente, a un fuerte individualismo y egocentrismo a la hora de juzgar la realidad no como lo que es, sino como a uno le parece que es, en tanto guerra por el significado y el control de la palabra, de cara a establecer un discurso totalitario y hegemónico, y la ignorancia de la ideología como un serio obstáculo para interpretar la realidad en la medida que la ideología construye lo real. Sobre estos pilares se construye hoy la poesía española y se impide el conocimiento liberador, pero los mitos y los ídolos no son obstáculos insalvables, más si, a cambio, lo que proponemos es una solución reactiva a unas prácticas amorales y prepotentes.

Objetivos: Este estudo objetiva apontar a importância da modalidade pregão, as inovações trazidas pelo Decreto nº 10.024/2019 e as inferências na Lei de licitações e contratos.Metodologia: Para alcançar o que se objetiva transmitir, cientificamente, neste artigo, utiliza-se da abordagem qualitativa, devido à importância da relação dinâmica que se impõe entre o sujeito e a realidade; cujo caráter é descritivo através do uso de procedimento técnico de pesquisa bibliográfica, por meio de doutrina e legislações pertinentes.Resultados: Sem dúvidas, o uso adequado dos recursos públicos, a utilização de novas tecnologias e a transparência nos processos de contratações no âmbito da Administração Pública são de suma relevância para o bom funcionamento da máquina pública. Para a concretização dos ideais eficácia e eficiência, a Administração Pública adota modalidades para a aquisição de bens, serviços e insumos. Nesse sentindo, a modalidade de pregão eletrônico além de dispor de maior agilidade e eficiência, também facilita o acesso às informações dos certames, beneficiando a fiscalização e o controle de recursos públicos utilizados pela maquina pública.Contribuições: A principal contribuição deste trabalho é apresentar a modalidade pregão que surgiu no ano de 2000 como uma nova ferramenta para o ente público realizar aquisições, com mais celeridade e eficiência e descrever as principais alterações em sua legislação, advinda do Decreto nº 10.024/2019.

The peacebuilder’s contract: How external statebuilding reinforces weak statehood

In this study, the policies of the Republican People's Party (RPP) in the general and local elections held in 1946, the discourses of party members and party supporters were discussed in the context of the concept of “democracy,” and their effects on domestic politics were searched. First of all, external and internal factors that were effective in Turkey's multi-party system were discussed. In this context, the victory of the democracy front in the World War II, the signing of the United Nations Constitution, and the necessity to take measures against the increasing Soviet threat caused Turkey to turn its face to the West. All these external factors signaled the democratic steps that would take place in Turkey in the years following 1945. In addition, the socio-economic problems experienced before and after the war, the pressures of the RPP government, and the extreme dissatisfaction of the people due to all these reasons made the political system be bound to change. In addition to these problems, the disagreements in the RPP regarding the “The Land Distribution Law”, “Budget Proposed Law” and the “Memorandum of the Four,” which caused great debates in domestic politics, were mentioned. As a result of those as mentioned above external and internal factors, how Turkey turned into a multi-party system was mentioned, and in this context, the establishment of the Democrat Party (DP) and the expectations and discourses of the RPP about this party were discussed. Afterward, the effects of the II. RPP Extraordinary Congress, which had a great impact on domestic politics, were mentioned. In this congress, RPP also decided to hold the general election earlier than planned, together with the local election. With the early elections, the RPP wanted to show the world public opinion that the system was democratic and tried to preserve the current one-party rule by preventing opposition parties from getting stronger. The study has an important and unique quality in terms of showing that democracy could not be fully adopted due to the policies and discourses of the RPP and that it could not find an applicable area within the one-party system. The main purpose of the research was to include the politics of domination that the RPP was trying to establish on the DP and the entire state system, by addressing the anti-democratic discourses and political steps of the RPP. The literature review method was used in the research, and archival sources constituted most of the research. In this context, the RPP's policies on democracy in the 1946 elections, the discourses of party members and supporters of the party were investigated by analyzing the important national and local newspapers of the period, the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA), and political party minutes, party programs and election manifestos. The study has revealed that the RPP's policies regarding the 1946 elections, the discourses of party members and party supporters were incompatible with the concept of democracy and that this concept could not be assimilated. Especially what happened in the general election has caused this election to be remembered as a “shady election” in Turkish political history. As a result of the events that took place in both elections, it has been understood that the RPP was trying to maintain its position in the state with its traditional, tutelary one-party understanding of democracy rather than trying to maintain the multi-party democratic system.

Starting from the 1980s, institutions of direct democracy were introduced into most Latin American constitutions. To date, the practical application of these institutions remains almost exclusively restricted to the subtype of government plebiscites while the use of citizen initiated instruments remains scarce. To explain the region's low frequency of use of citizen initiated instruments of direct democracy this explorative study proceeds in three sections. The first recapitulates regulatory legislation on, and practical experience with direct democracy in Latin America. The second proposes and applies an index for the comparative measurement of legal obstacles provided by institutional frameworks and goes on to discuss further explanatory propositions on factors that may interact with these legal obstacles to obstruct direct democratic citizen participation. Finally, these hypotheses are tested through an interview-based study with actors involved in the recent practical experience with direct democracy in Costa Rica. The study concludes that the institutional design of citizen initiated instruments of direct democracy alone does not suffice to explain the frequency of their practical application. Rather than this, application frequency appears to be a function of the combined interactive effects of legal institutional factors with sociological and political party factors such as strategic action preferences and party elites' attitudes.

In The Vortex of Institutional Lives

The dynamics of local political contests in Indonesia often involve complex challenges, ranging from party competition to controversies surrounding candidates. One of the crucial problems faced in the 2024 Langkat Regency Election was the public's skepticism toward the vice regent candidate, which created a risk of declining electability for the Syah Afandin–Tiorita Surbakti pair. In this context, political parties, particularly the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP), were required to design a strategic and adaptive campaign to secure voter support. The main objective of this study is to analyze the campaign strategy implemented by PDIP in supporting the Syah Afandin–Tiorita Surbakti candidate pair and to examine how these strategies contributed to electoral success despite the controversies encountered. This study employs a qualitative approach with a descriptive method. Data were collected through interviews with party elites and campaign teams, direct observations during campaign activities, and document studies of campaign materials and media coverage. Data were then analyzed thematically to identify patterns in political marketing practices. The findings reveal that PDIP employed a combination of three political marketing approaches: push marketing, which mobilized the party machine across all levels; pull marketing, which highlighted the strengths and vision of the candidates; and pass marketing, which utilized interpersonal networks to strengthen grassroots engagement. These strategies effectively countered negative perceptions, rebuilt the candidate pair's image, and ultimately secured 55% of the vote in the quick count results. The implications of this study emphasize that well-structured political marketing strategies, when integrated with strong party solidarity and emotional proximity to voters, can be decisive in overcoming reputational challenges and ensuring victory in local elections

Religious organisations in Indonesia often forge close relations with the state, political leaders, and party elites. They devote much effort to gaining support from the state in order to protect their institutional interests. In this research, I consider Muhammadiyah’s relations with the state in the context of the organisation’s involvement in local politics and elections. I explore the nexus between institutional interest and epistemic influence, and the priority given to good state relations. This qualitative research uses data obtained through extensive literature study, analysis of election data, and in-depth interviews. This article argues that Muhammadiyah, as the second largest Islamic organisation with a vast network of educational, health and welfare institutions, places great store on having favourable links with the Indonesian state. Although rich in assets and financially secure, Muhammadiyah nonetheless requires access to state resources and goodwill from political and bureaucratic elites.