“We Didn’t Let the Neighborhood Win”: Black Male Students’ Experiences in Negotiating and Navigating an Urban Neighborhood

Abstract

Research on Black males and their education reveal a complex interplay of individual, structural, institutional, and policy factors that concomitantly affect their experiences (Ferguson, 2000; Howard, 2003; Noguera, 2008; Swanson, Cunningham, & Spencer, 2003; Toldson, 2008). Examining these various factors help to provide a broader canvass from which to explore student successes and the challenges they face. Earlier studies on Black males argued that their opposition to school negatively impacted their educational outcomes (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986). This framework problematized the students without examining some of the contributing factors to their behaviors and outcomes. A number of more recent studies not only criticize this early work for lacking statistical significance (e.g., Ainsworth-Darnell & Downey, 1998; Harris, 2006), but they also show how schools impact Black males' identity development and performance (Ferguson, 2000; Howard, 2003), how neighborhoods matter (Catsambis & Beveridge, 2001; Turley, 2003), and how peer status contributes to schooling outcomes (Staff & Kreager, 2008). Findings from this research suggest that myriad factors complicate students' educational aspirations and, particularly germane to the current study, more attention is needed on the effect of neighborhood context on Black males' schooling experiences. Stewart and colleagues (2007) contended that many studies focused on educational aspirations often neglect to investigate the impact that different dynamics of neighborhoods (type, ecology, etc.) have on educational aspirations of youth. A lack of attention to these types of contextual factors limits one's understanding of students' attitudes, behaviors, and performances both during school and out-ofschool hours.Research on the lived experiences of Black males is important to consider as well since it demonstrates the need to nuance their experiences across the intersections of their race, gender, and class (Anderson, 2008; Jenkins, 2006; Johnson & Leighton, 1995; Young, 2004). For instance, Johnson and Leighton (1995) focused on the disproportionate death rates among poor Black men, which they examined as one of a number of products of social deprivation. The authors asserted that social deprivation subjects Black males to many disabling conditions that restrict opportunity, inflict pain and suffering, and shorten their (p. 2). Similarly, Anderson (2008) asserted that many young Black men who are poor are up against the wall.1 He contends that the social condi1The tions in their neighborhoods require Black men to develop a variety of coping styles and strategies in efforts to mitigate some of the risk factors they face. In considering this context for the Black males in the current study, the majority of whom self-identified as low income (N = 13), taking account for their out-of-school experiences in navigating the neighborhood and its effects is critical in appreciating their resilience and persistence efforts (Carter, 2005; Floyd, 1996; Young, 2004).Similar to Ginwright's (2009) offering, more work is needed that allows space for selfexploration and healing for Black young men. This work has the potential to transform their lives and their communities. The current case study seeks to contribute to the literature by exploring the lived experiences and perceptions of young Black men. The goal of this research is to learn what the students experience and investigate how urban neighborhoods matter in their experiences. While a great deal of attention has been paid to urban violence in cities such as Chicago, Flint (MI), and Camden (NJ), and what is not working in inner-city schools, this project is timely in that it offers an opportunity to hear the narratives of young men who successfully navigated the streets, felt supported and valued in school, and are thriving academically.BLACK MALES AND URBAN EDUCATIONVarious studies have identified numerous factors that affect how Black male students experience school, which ultimately impact their academic achievement (Ainsworth, 2002; Flowers, Milner, & Moore, 2003; Marsh, Chaney, & Jones, 2012; Noguera, 2008; Swanson, Cunningham, & Spencer, 2003; Toldson, 2008). …