Vom Studierendenaustausch Zur Sprachenpolitik Zur Science Diplomacy – 100 Jahre Daad

This volume is the result of a colloquium on socio-political dimensions of language policy and language planning held at the 1997 American Association of Applied Linguistics (AAAL) Conference. The focus is on language planning and policy in the USA, but the issues raised will be applicable to other parts of the world as well.<br />Three broad issues are addressed: general aspects, case studies dealing with certain languages or ethnic groups, and language planning in practice. The first, general, part, provides a historical analysis of language planning and language policy in the US, and proceeds to deal with maintenance and loss of indigenous languages, and the constraints imposed by current policies and how these constraints can be effectively dealt with. The second part contains a number of case studies. It discusses aspects of planning policies pertaining to pidgin languages, gestural languages used by the deaf (ASL) and constraints in foreign language education; this part also raises issues relating to ethnic groups, concentrating on the position of Mexicans and Puerto Ricans in the US. In the third part some practical issues are raised by looking into the role of language and culture in teaching reading, foreign language policy in higher education, Hawaiian language regenisis, and gender neutralization in American English.<br />The book is a tribute to Charlene Junko Sato, a sociolinguist and a language activist. She died in 1996 and will be remembered for her work not only in linguistics, but also for her dedication in advancing Hawaiian Pidgin, influencing language policy through various publications and court-room appearances.<br />

The paper is an historical account of language planning and policy in Nepal, from the period of the first unification of Nepal in the 1700's up until the present day, with comments on possible future trends. Emphasis is placed on the period after 1951, when the Rana regime was first replaced by democratic experimentation and later by monarchal rule. The language policy of this post-1951 period is illustrated in the paper by co-ordinating government reports on the education system and development projects, newspaper articles, et cetera to the contemporary history of changes in government, of political party stands, and of Nepal's foreign policies. The author analyzes and comments on this co-ordination, demonstrating how language planning and policy formation is dependent on other political policies and events of the time. The two language policy controversies used as main examples in the paper are the Nepali-Hindi controversy, and to a lesser extent, the Nepali-Newari controversy. Explanations for the dominant role of these two controversies in an underdeveloped country with over forty languages are given.

In many countries, policymakers suspect that the use of local languages in education can result in excessive ethnicization, which may lead to conflicts and divide nations. The objectives of the study are to assess the basic cause that stays Ethiopia to not have its own language policy and to investigate opportunities that leads Ethiopian to have language policy. The subjects of this study are language experts, policy makers and politicians, and target speech community. The major data collection instrument was questionnaire. Interviews with key informants and document analysis were supplementary tools to achieve the objective of the research. To mention some of the findings, a development plan of a country in all aspects should primarily deal with the concrete study of the language issues. There is statistical relationship between measurement and evaluation made by policy makers and opportunities in current trends of Afaan Oromoo (p-0.001). The case of Oromo language is not far from this general perception. Unless this Linguistic right is gained by the Oromo language speakers, these people hardly feel the full citizenship in the entire country, Ethiopia, because they can feel discrimination due to their lack of real participation in the country’s overall activities. Such discrimination can even cause conflict at different occasions. As from the general principles of language use is argued, the question of the Oromo language use as a national language is realized, Ethiopia’s overall development remain only a wish for the prime reason of lack of Oromo people’s motivation in the involvement of political, economic, social activities. Value linguistic and cultural pluralism practically, as demonstrated in the constitution. Currently Ethiopia is in the refolution (reform and revolution) which means education policy, Health policy, foreign relation policy, public service policy, and other major pillars of policies and declarations are changed and/or modified. Therefore, possible to design an independent language policy. Amend the issue of Afaan Oromoo as federal alternative working language in the constitution.

One of the features of international relations in the 21st century is the use by developed countries of the concept of "soft power" in the implementation of a long-term international strategy.  A striking example is the rapidly developing state of China in recent years.  The concept of "soft power" implies the desire of the Chinese government to spread its national language and culture around the world.  The main reason why countries easily and quickly accept this policy is the growth of China's economic influence in the world, as well as the development and mutual interest of trade and economic ties with countries around the world.  Therefore, the interest of the countries of the world to China has increased, the desire to study its language and historical culture has increased.  China began to pursue a policy of generalizing the Chinese language and culture to the world by creating institutions named after Confucius, the great humanist thinker.  Thus, the teaching of Chinese has become an important content of China's foreign policy.  Language policy and language planning have always been an effective tool in solving a number of issues of domestic and foreign policy, and in the context of today's globalization, its importance has increased.  In recent years, the urgency of the problem of foreign language policy is growing day by day, and the place of individual actions taken by states in this direction is occupied by a purposefully planned foreign language policy.  Consideration of the purpose, subjects and means, mechanisms of language policy, as well as its relationship with the concept of "soft power", which has become increasingly widely used, is becoming an interesting and important object of study today.  In modern geopolitical conditions, China's policy in this area attracts the attention of the whole world.  The article emphasizes that the PRC's "One Belt One Road" project is a new model for globalization, it intends to make efforts both in the economy and in the humanitarian sphere.  Since the introduction of this project, China has been actively promoting the Chinese language and Chinese culture in our country.

The analysis of the linguistic aspect of the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China is becoming more relevant today owing to the fact that the impact of soft power factors - methods to achieve the desired result without the use of violence - enhances in foreign policy processes. The foreign policy of China is not an exception. of the main elements of soft power is the language policy. The article is devoted to the linguistic aspect of China's foreign policy in modern conditions as an instrument of soft power. The definition of the concept soft power, the principal components and instruments of soft power in Eastern countries are underlined in the article. New principles and direction of China's diplomacy, pledged at the VIII Congress of the CPC, reflect the fact that soft power is used as one of the main tools of China's foreign policy. In addition, a special place is given to the language policy of the country. It is important to note that the language policy was chosen by the Chinese leadership as one of the priorities of foreign policy directions for a number of reasons, which include an increased interest in China after its reaching economic success and the rapid growth in the number of countries which co-operate with China. Moreover, big demand in specialists in the Chinese language is also significant. The attention is focused on the premises of the active implementation of the language policy of the PRC. An important step for the People's Republic of China was the beginning of the policy of reform and opening under the guidance of Deng Xiaoping in the late 1970s. In addition, a decisive role played the standardization of the Chinese language and the foundation of the State Office of the People's Republic of China on the spreading of the Chinese language and traditional culture abroad in 1984. The correlation of the new strategy of the Chinese leadership, One Belt - one way and the desire to spread the Chinese language and culture abroad is considered in the article as well. An important place is given to the consideration of the Russian-Chinese cooperation in the area of language, to main projects and activities carried out in this area. The language policy of the People's Republic of China is one of the determining factors of the country's foreign policy in the modern world. This linguistic aspect influences both the domestic and foreign policy of the Chinese leadership. The language policy of the PRC is multidirectional: it includes not only the spread of the Chinese language abroad, but also the desire to preserve the languages of ethnic minorities in the country, protection of cultural and linguistic diversity of China. Today, the international position of the country and its image directly depend on the success of the implementation of China's language policy.

<p>My dissertation explores how authoritarian governments use language policy to impact public political trust. Based on a comprehensive examination through survey analyses, experiments, and large-scale text analyses, my research demonstrates that authoritarian governments, such as in China, can use language policy as a political tool to influence citizens’ political attitudes. In particular, language policy empowers the official language used by government representatives, such as street-level bureaucrats, reinforcing their political identities and enhancing citizens' trust in them. Using an original randomized experiment in China based on a new sociolinguistic technique, my research finds robust evidence that listeners hold significantly more trust in bureaucrats who speak the official language than in those who speak dialects, even if the respondent and government representative share the same dialect. Furthermore, my research shows that language not only influences citizens' political trust but also their understanding of political concepts. Using a computer-assisted text analysis of over one million articles from the official newspaper of the dominant party of China from 1946-2003, I indicate a refocusing strategy by which the official discourse about democracy manipulates the meaning of democracy in the Chinese political language without contradicting with the Western democratic values, while simultaneously preserving the authoritarian regime. Drawing on multiple waves of nationally representative surveys from China, my dissertation also identifies distinctive effects of improving listening, speaking, and relative proficiencies of Putonghua on Chinese citizens' political interest, efficacy, pursuit, and institutional-based political trust. This study contributes to political science, and even the entire social science by justifying the important role of language in human social and political lives and turning the research focus from language content to language context.</p>

This critical ethnographic account of the Yangon deaf community in Myanmar offers unique insights into the dynamics of a vibrant linguistic and cultural minority community in the region and also sheds further light on broader questions around language policy. The book examines language policies on different scales, demonstrating how unofficial policies in the local deaf school and wider Yangon deaf community impact responses to higher level interventions, namely the 2007 government policy aimed at unifying the country’s two sign languages. Foote highlights the need for a critical and interdisciplinary approach to the study of language policy, unpacking the interplay between language ideologies, power relations, political and moral interests and community conceptualisations of citizenship. The study’s findings are situated within wider theoretical debates within linguistic anthropology, questioning existing paradigms on the notion of linguistic authenticity and contributing to ongoing debates on the relationship between language policy and social justice. Offering an important new contribution to critical work on language policy, the book will be of particular interest to students and scholars in sociolinguistics, linguistic anthropology and language education.

Foreign subsidiary top manager nationality and language policy: The moderating effects of subsidiary age and size

<p class="Abstract"><span lang="EN-GB">The present study analyses foreign language (FL) policy in Greek higher education (HE) taking into consideration the multiple interrelated factors that development and implementation of a successful FL policy hinges on. A brief overview is presented of European initiatives that have contributed significantly to the promotion of language learning, multilingualism and the harmonization of university language policies. This was considered necessary so as to lay the context for the presentation of the practices documented in the Greek HE arena, with specific examples provided from Greek institutions. To address the aims of this research project, the state legislation relevant to FL issues in HE is examined and discussed, as it unavoidably influences and mirrors observed trends and priorities in language education. Finally, extensive data is analysed from five Greek HE institutions and their FL instructors, with regard to language practices implemented, programmes of study, instructors’ professional status, etc. The results of this analysis show that great effort and extensive co-operation among all stakeholders is still required in devising a holistic FL policy in Greek HE, to which end this paper also offers some useful recommendations. </span></p><p class="Abstract"> </p>

This paper presents a small part of the results of a bigger research project carried out under the cooperation between Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia and SEAMEO (Southeast Asian Ministers of Education Organization) Regional Centre for QITEP (Quality Improvement of Teachers and Education Personnel) in Language conducted during 2021-2023. The study, unique in its scale and scope, investigates language policy in ASEAN countries involving eleven experts of foreign language teaching and 4,219 students from all ASEAN countries. This paper presents only data on English language education policy in ASEAN, obtained from a Google forms questionnaire addressing foreign language education policy, and a focus group discussion involving eleven language teaching and policy experts in ASEAN countries. The qualitative analysis identified two key themes, including the existence of law on English and their application in primary and secondary education. The results show that all ASEAN countries have distinct legal frameworks for English education, positioning English as the dominant foreign language. While most countries mandate English as a compulsory subject at primary and secondary levels, some also prioritize other foreign languages like French and Portuguese. English frequently serves as a medium of instruction (EMI) alongside local languages, reflecting innovative bilingual and multilingual policy approaches. This study uniquely highlights how ASEAN countries balance the global importance of English with preserving local linguistic identities. It underscores the need for policies that support multilingualism, equitable access to quality education, and culturally responsive pedagogy in diverse contexts, offering new insights into the intersection of language policy and educational equity.

There is a growing tendency in Asia for English as a foreign / second (EFL/ESL) programs to be implemented in the early years of primary schooling. Government policies supporting teaching primary school English are often framed in terms of globalization and the need to compete with other Asian neighbors. In the case of Taiwan, this notion increasingly has led government to support primary school English teaching curricula for all students and to parents spending large sums of money on private tutoring or out of school tuition. Arguments for this position are often based on the “earlier is better” ESL evidence, rather than on sound language policy settings and EFL research. As a consequence, problems and controversies have arisen related to inconsistencies that exist between the macro- and micro-level implementation forces. The purpose of this study is to explore these implementation issues and problems from a language planning and policy perspective through an examination of the language-in-education policy types required for the development of successful programs. This study concludes with some implications for the possible reforms of primary EFL education policy that aim to improve implementation in order to better serve the EFL learning needs of students in Taiwan.

This article aims to analyze the global trends in political development and the state's position in the international relations matrix, with a special focus on the importance of choosing a development model for the state, particularly in terms of European and Euro-Atlantic foreign policy vectors. This study employs a descriptive analytical research design. The data were gathered from a comprehensive review of relevant literature on globalization, deglobalization, European integration, and Euro-Atlantic development. The research finds that globalization is a megatrend that has significant implications for the present world order. The increasing influence of post-modern structures, such as transnational corporations, and the global digitalization in all spheres of life of society, especially during pandemics, have accelerated global processes and are viewed as tools for sustainable development. Deglobalization, manifested in regionalization and glocalization, is considered a countertrend for globalization. The article also emphasizes the crucial role of European and Euro-Atlantic integration in the state's participation in globalization processes. The analysis presented in this article has several practical implications. It suggests that the state's foreign policy must be aligned with globalization trends and the deglobalization of the global universe's influence, establishing new centers of the world order and new regional powers. It also highlights the importance of European integration and the Euro-Atlantic vector of development in the state's globalization strategy.

The article is devoted to the study of the current state of Russia’s foreign language policy in the near abroad. The authors define Russia’s language policy abroad, identify its internal and external factors, analyze its effectiveness, and determine the specifics and peculiarities of its development in the post-Soviet space and its influence on the quality and effectiveness of integration processes in the Eurasian region. In the context of the analysis of Russian language policy in the near abroad, the authors consider the problems of preservation and promotion of the Russian language in the international space, the main among which are the following: the reduction of the geography of use of the Russian language and changes in its status in the near abroad and far abroad countries. In the concluding part of the article, the authors propose ways and solutions to strengthen the effectiveness of Russia’s language policy in both global and regional dimensions.

Language policy has developed into a major area of research that continues to expand and develop. This article examines potential directions for cross‐pollination between the fields of language policy and foreign language education. First, publication trends are examined. Database searches were conducted for the journals Foreign Language Annals, Modern Language Journal, Current Issues in Language Planning, Language Policy, and Language Problems and Language Planning. It is found that there is a dearth of studies on language policy in the foreign language–oriented journals and on foreign languages in language policy–oriented journals. Next, with these findings as a springboard, Spolsky's three‐component model of language policy—practices, beliefs, and management—is used to guide discussion about future research directions at the confluence of language policy and foreign language education. Finally, implications for political engagement with language education issues are raised, and it is suggested that professional associations might learn from the strategies of successful political action groups.

Foreign language education is an important part of Chinese education, but the overall foreign language education in China is still relatively underdeveloped. Foreign language education and policies in contemporary China are closely related to China’s political, economic, and social development. The contemporary Chinese foreign language education and policies, since the establishment of New China in 1949, can be divided into four periods. The first period is a period of domination by the Russian language (1949–1956), the second period is a period of exploration and transformation (1956–1966), the third period is a period of interruption (1966–1978), and the fourth period is a period of development and improvement (1978 to present). Understanding foreign language education and policies in contemporary Chinese universities can contribute to the future development of foreign language education and policies in China.