Abstract
To date, no detailed analysis has been carried out on the verb classes or on the functions and distribution of the Santa Cruz valency-changing morphology from a diachronic perspective. This study aims to fill the gap by presenting new data and comparing two valency-increasing devices of three Santa Cruz languages, namely, Nalögo, Natügu, and Engdewu.We focus on the functions and distribution of the causative (v)a- and the transitivizer -ti.When compared to Proto-Oceanic, as is to be expected in historical change, Santa Cruz languages show points of both continuity and change. We show that the Santa Cruz causative and transitivizer are reflexes of the Proto-Oceanic causative *pa[ka]- and transitivizing *-i, respectively. The prefix (v)a- retains all the functions of Proto-Oceanic *pa[ka]-, while the suffix -ti retainsmost functions of Proto-Oceanic *-i, albeitwithmany in a state of decay or near decay. In addition, we hypothesize that the decline in the use of -ti as a transitivizer likely accounts for the emergence of the prefix (v)ö-, a reflex of Proto-Oceanic *paRi-, as a productive detransitivizer. This shift makes the valency-orientation profile of Santa Cruz languages less canonically Oceanic.
Published Version
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