Venture capital flows to fintech innovators in Africa: how governmental policy and actions affect the ecosystem and capital sources

Government action is essential to increase the healthiness of food environments and reduce obesity, diet-related non-communicable diseases (NCDs), and their related inequalities. This paper proposes a monitoring framework to assess government policies and actions for creating healthy food environments. Recommendations from relevant authoritative organizations and expert advisory groups for reducing obesity and NCDs were examined, and pertinent components were incorporated into a comprehensive framework for monitoring government policies and actions. A Government Healthy Food Environment Policy Index (Food-EPI) was developed, which comprises a 'policy' component with seven domains on specific aspects of food environments, and an 'infrastructure support' component with seven domains to strengthen systems to prevent obesity and NCDs. These were revised through a week-long consultation process with international experts. Examples of good practice statements are proposed within each domain, and these will evolve into benchmarks established by governments at the forefront of creating and implementing food policies for good health. A rating process is proposed to assess a government's level of policy implementation towards good practice. The Food-EPI will be pre-tested and piloted in countries of varying size and income levels. The benchmarking of government policy implementation has the potential to catalyse greater action to reduce obesity and NCDs.

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nnnnnnn The broad objective of this study is to examine the nature and the role of foreign capital in Malaysia. nnnnnnn British investments dated back to pre-independent period, but were mainly concentrated in the traditional extractive industries. In the first part of this study, we examine the rationale of mobilising foreign capital in Malaysia, especially in the manufacturing sector. Secondly, an attempt is made to measure the foreign capital requirements for 1975-1985, by applying a synthetic model based on the Chenery- Strout Two-Gap Model and D.Avramovic's External Debt Model. The importance of external debt services in LDCs in recent years necessitates particular attention to this problem. nnnnnnnnn The first part of the study contributes to existing literature in the following way. It supplements similar studies by H.B.Chenery and A.M.Strout,qForeign Assistance and Economic Developmentq', and S.Yokio and Hishamura, Foreign Aid and Economic Growth of Developing Asian Countries. The use of the synthetic model incorporates another important variable of external debt services, which are ommitted by the previous writers. Furthermore, the study is more comprehensive in that an attempt is made to discuss each magnitude used in the model: gross national product, savings, investments, imports, exports and debt services. nnnnnnn The second part of the study attempts to look at the relevant issues related to foreign capital in Malaysia. In this context, the roles of both private foreign investments and foreign aid have been investigated. Particular attention is focussed on the Malaysian Government's policies (investment incentive schemes) regarding private foreign investments. The impact of private foreign investments in the economic development of Malaysia has also been examined in terms of the macro-economic implications on variables such as gross national product and savings. Further repercussions of foreign investments on the transfer of technology and the balance of payments in Malaysia are also briefly examined. nnnnnnn With regard to private foreign investments, the Malaysian Government's policy has been to provide a conducive investment climate so as to encourage the inflow of foreign capital, mainly by offering various tax incentives. However, there has not been a serious effort to find out the cost of these schemes to Malaysia, and also how far the anticipated benefits really accrue from private foreign investments. Furthermore, has the policy towards private foreign investments been effective to regulate their flow and functioning in comformity with the national interests? This is an important question for the rationale of a policy, which encourages the inflow of private foreign investment for capital and technology. An objective evaluation of the nature and behaviour of private foreign investment in Malaysia, with a view of assessing their efficacy and contribution to Malaysia's economic development is the aim of this study. nnnnnnn The main conclusion from the study is that, while foreign investments have made some positive contributions in increasing industrial output and employment, they have been much below the expected targets. Private foreign investment is found to be capital-intensive and they tend to concentrate in the more developed areas. The study also shows that the technology imported through private foreign investments is often inappropriate and they have done relatively little to transmit the technical knowledge to Malaysian nationals. Furthermore, Malaysian balance of payment problems are exacerbated due to repatriation of capital and profits. On the other hand, the costs of private foreign investments to Malaysia have been substantial, in terms of revenue loss due to tax exemption policies and payments for patents and licences for the technology. nnnnnnn The study also suggests that the question of foreign aid is mainly a function of policy issues of developed donor countries rather than of recipient countries like Malaysia. The experience of the 1960's of Malaysia's First Malaysia Plan based on foreign aid expectations and the recent hardening of the terms and conditions of aid in the international scene have made foreign-aid an unreliable source of foreign capital. In the future, Malaysia will have to rely more on private foreign investments and foreign borrowings for her foreign capital needs. It is suggested, however, that there must be some policy re-evaluation to improve the regulation and control of private foreign investments in Malaysia according to the national objectives. In the long-term, it is suggested that the investment incentive scheme, which is the main plank of the Government's industrial policy, be phased out, as is already done by some other developing countries. Instead, Malaysia should endeavour to form a more cohesive regional body within ASEAN in order to safegaurd the potential regional market and also to strengthen the bargaining power, vis-a-vis the mechanism, of the multinational companies. Secondly, it is suggested that the policy of joint-ventures or collaboration be emphasised much more than what is done today in order to encourage progressive 'Malaysianisationq. nnnnnnn The study is based on data published by Bank Negara Malaysia and the Federal Industrial Development Authority and the Census and Surveys of Manufacturing Industries ,West Malaysia. The study on private foreign investments is based on the Census and Surveys of manufacturing Industries, up to 1970.

ABSTRACTThis article analyses how political space, defined here as the ability of actors other than the government to critically engage in debate on government policy and practice, is being constituted in post‐genocide Rwanda. Using evidence from interviews with civil society activists and examples from the Rwandan Government's post‐genocide policies, it explores the kind of political space which results from an interplay of potentially competing influences. These include the promotion of a liberal approach to democracy, favoured by many of Rwanda's donors, and a more tightly‐managed and limited transition which is both preferred by and beneficial for the RPF Government. The article shows that although space could be seen in some areas as opening, this trend is hampered by government actions, including legislative and shadow methods, by donor reluctance to pressure the ruling RPF and by fear within civil society of tackling politically sensitive issues. In conclusion, the author suggests that this fear is reinforced by government policies which narrow perceptions of political space, exacerbated by perceived abandonment of civil society by donors, and that in combination these factors pose a long‐term challenge to more openly contested politics in Rwanda.

The research presented in this paper is based essentially around three identified research questions: What is influencing the changing understanding of organised crime? How is organised crime represented in major Commonwealth Government committee reports and policy frameworks? How are cross-agency partnerships conceptualised and translated into the Australian government's responses and actions to organised crime in Australia? In addressing the theme of these questions, the research presents as separate components elements of the issues, all however interconnected to establish that there is a vastly changed understanding of organised crime. Within this understanding however remains a significant degree of complexity in regard to what is considered to be a viable and enduring definition of organised crime. This complexity is well illustrated in the literature synthesis. It is through the prism of changed and changing understanding that the law enforcement response to serious and organised crime is being designed and implemented. The contemporary understanding actually challenges the need or desirability for a structured definition to which everyone collectively subscribes. In fact it is more about an acceptance that there is an upper echelon of serious and organised criminality which has significant social and economic impacts and hence that the response, cognisant of that understanding, needs to change. Chapters Five, Six and Seven take the reader on a journey through the aspects that have shaped the contemporary Australian understanding and ultimately how that understanding has been applied through Task Force Polaris. This task force relates to, as does some of the preceding discussion, serious and organised crime back in the border domain, which is of heightened interest to the Commonwealth agencies. How the theory regarding partnership work as illustrated in Chapter Six is validated through the response modelling as illustrated in Chapter Seven is particularly interesting. The interviews conducted with law enforcement officials are woven through a number of the chapters where the responses best add value to the themes being examined. The responses clearly indicated an awareness of the changed understanding of serious and organised crime but a heightened awareness of the Government policy overlay and how that policy direction was being realised through the response.

Maternal alcohol consumption during pregnancy places the fetus at risk for a number of neurological abnormalities and functional impairments. These deficits are 100% preventable by abstaining from alcohol use during pregnancy. Nevertheless, the worldwide prevalence of Fetal Alcohol Syndrome (FAS), the most severe outcome of prenatal alcohol consumption, is estimated at 0.97 cases per 1,000 live births (see May & Gossage, 2001). This paper examines awareness of the problem in Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia along three dimensions: 1) the relationship between alcohol consumption rates and the incidence of FAS; 2) government action and policy creation; and 3) prevention/intervention initiatives and educational efforts. The extent of knowledge within each country affects, and is affected by, the level of research activity, the emphasis on policy creation, and the initiatives that drive educational efforts. At present, Canada and the U.S. have the highest levels of activity and a clear recognition of the problem. Activity in the U.K. and Australia is at the grass-roots level, although some promising movements toward greater public and professional awareness have begun. Alcohol is a legal and socially acceptable drug. The effects of alcohol on the user are widely known to the public. Decreased inhibition, loose muscle tone, loss of line motor coordination, reduced activity in the central nervous system, impaired reasoning, memory loss, and euphoria are just a few of the short-term effects of alcohol intoxication (Kuhn, Swartwelder, & Wilson, 1999). A potentially far more serious cost of alcohol consumption by pregnant women is much less well understood by the public. The Institute of Medicine (1996) has reported that alcohol produces the most serious neurobehavioural effects in the fetus, compared to other drugs, including heroin, cocaine, and marijuana. The consequences of prenatal alcohol exposure fall along a continuum, ranging from subtle neurodevelopmental and behavioural manifestations to Fetal Alcohol Syndrome, the most serious outcome of prenatal alcohol exposure. Recently, the term Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorder (FASD) was coined to encompass all the terms that describe alcohol-related defects, including FAS (Sokol, Delaney, & Nordstrom, 2003). Other terms, such as Fetal Alcohol Effects (FAE), partial FAS (pFAS), atypical FAS, alcohol-related neurodevelopmental disorder (ARND), and alcoholrelated birth defects (ARBD) describe other effects within the spectrum. For the remainder of this paper, reference will be made to FAS. Fetal Alcohol Syndrome is the single most preventable cause of birth defects (Bratton, 1995; Institute of Medicine, 1996) and is recognized by the World Health Organization (WHO, 1999) as the leading cause of environment-related birth defects and mental retardation in the Western world. It refers to a specific cluster of anomalies and developmental delays among children associated with the use of alcohol during pregnancy (Conry & Fast, 2000). Abel (1995) estimated that 4.3% of heavy drinkers give birth to a child with FAS. According to the United States Institute of Medicine (1996), a diagnosis of FAS requires a confirmed history of maternal alcohol exposure, evidence of facial dysmorphology (distinctive facial features), growth retardation, and central nervous system (CNS) dysfunction. Recent research employing magnetic resonance brain imaging techniques has revealed that FAS-related neurological deficits are uncorrelated with facial abnormalities (Bookstein, Sampson, Connor, & Striessguth, 2002). Consequently, a child without the distinctive morphological features may be as severely impaired in functional skills as someone with the full range of diagnostic criteria. Key Issues This paper examines the issues of alcohol and pregnancy, government policies, and awareness of FAS within four English-speaking countries: Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia. …

The Occupation of Alcatraz was a movement in 1969, which sparked National Debate in the United States. The Occupation lasted from 20, November 1969 till June 1971 when 15 last occupiers were peacefully escorted off the island. The protest did not end with a change in government policy but inspired other protests and an activist group to be created for Native American rights. Reflecting on why the occupation at Alcatraz was ineffective, Vine Deloria, Jr. argued in 1994, “we want change, but we do not know what change.” Deloria was a well-known activist during the 1960s and was invited to the island of Alcatraz during its occupation. The Occupation of Alcatraz was seen as an unsuccessful protest because it did not spur government action to address Native American grievances. The occupation occurred at a time when tensions between minority groups and the government were rising due to the civil rights movement. Native Americans were forcibly removed from reserves due to relocation and assimilation programs, and land was being taken away for resources as well. The Occupation was a response to what seemed to be the continuous cycle of abuse from the American government. Termination and assimilation policies divided and separated families and tribes, which created disconnections among Native Americans, making it hard to unify against the American government. Though the Occupation did not end with government action or policy change, it started a collaboration of Native American protests, which revived Native American identities for many people. Native Americans’ reactions to federal suppression at the Occupation of Alcatraz led to a legacy of protests that changed Native American life.

Chapter 12 - How Do Government Policies and Actions Affect Bank Liquidity Creation During Normal Times and Financial Crises?

This chapter examines the extent to which Pacific Island governments are using ICTs to engage with civil society, through the initiation of service provision, or some form of policy dialogue. It finds that whereas moderate progress has been made with the establishment of key websites, in only a few instances have these been designed as “portals” through which the public can link to any government department or agency, or through which these departments can communicate with citizens and civil society organizations online. There has been, on the other hand, considerable growth in government activity on social media sites, which are easy to initiate and manage. More active than government-initiated sites are the social media sites established by individuals, civil society groups, think tanks and academia, for the express purpose of commenting on government policies and activities. Communicative practices between state/civil society/citizenry are still being negotiated, particularly in states where government has traditionally been the voice of authority and government information has been protected by Official Information Acts. Government and civil society alike have to work more collaboratively to maximise citizen engagement in public governance. Whilst such situations do not fit neatly into the ‘transformative’ models of e-Public Services and e-Democracy articulated by the World Bank and the UN, they do constitute a beginning to online interaction between citizen and state.

This chapter develops a new reference for local government accountability in socioenvironmental issues based on the views of leading socioenvironmental nongovernmental Organisations (NGOs) in Indonesia. This study introduces an alternative view related to the government accountability model by focussing more on the socioenvironmental issues, which tend to be marginalised due to the dominance of [neo]liberal economic development and New Public Management paradigm in the praxis of government. A Fairclough's critical discourse analysis method has been applied to annual reports from three main socioenvironmental NGOs in Indonesia ranging from 2015 to 2018. This study found that there are three important notes for the local government's regulation, practice and accountability's activities to be in a line with the sustainable paradigm and the views of these NGOs. First and the foremost, the government's policy should give attention to public needs and ecological standards. Secondly, the rights and obligations related to the environmental issues should be transparent and accountable. Lastly, the government should release the accountability reports in full disclosure document and make the reports publicly available for various stakeholders. In particular, the accountability reports play a role as a tool for people to monitor the government's activities in socioenvironmental issues. This research implies an alternative view in the context of socioenvironmental accounting literature enrichment. It also provides valuable input to other governments, especially in developing countries and countries with economic growth that are highly reliant on the natural resources sector, in order to manage and account for their natural wealth in a more responsible and sustainable manner. Likewise, this research offers an alternative discourse of socioenvironmental accountability from the view of socioenvironmental NGOs in Indonesia.

Foreign Direct Investment and Government Action -- China Telecom Overview

In the digital era, media plays an essential role in shaping public opinion, with alternative media platforms emerging as key players in critiquing government policies. Among these, satirical content has gained significant traction as a method of social critique. This study investigates MEET NITE LIVE, an Indonesian satirical program, to understand how humor and framing techniques are employed to critique government policies and influence public perceptions. By utilizing a qualitative approach that combines Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Content Analysis, the study explores how the host uses satirical humor—particularly irony, sarcasm, and parody—to frame government policies, highlighting inefficiencies, injustices, and contradictions, particularly within the economic and educational sectors. The research reveals that the humor in MEET NITE LIVE goes beyond mere entertainment. It serves as a tool for social critique, encouraging the audience to critically reflect on pressing socio-political issues. By using humor to expose the flaws in government actions, the show fosters a deeper public awareness, prompting meaningful discussions about the implications of these policies. This study contributes to a deeper understanding of how satirical media, specifically through programs like MEET NITE LIVE, functions as a tool for political discourse. By analyzing the specific humor techniques employed, such as irony, sarcasm, and parody, the research reveals how satirical content critically engages the public with government policies. It demonstrates the potential of satire not only to entertain but also to stimulate critical reflection on socio-political issues, thereby encouraging a more informed and active public engagement with the implications of government actions The findings highlight the importance of alternative media in providing a space for open critique, allowing the public to engage with social and political issues that are often overlooked or constrained by mainstream media. These findings emphasize the role of alternative media in expanding the public discourse, which in turn can have a significant impact on shaping opinions and policies.

Purpose: The purpose of this research is to critically examine the Indonesian Government's policy of prohibiting the export of nickel ore and its implications from a legal, regulatory, and economic perspective. By conducting a thorough analysis of relevant regulations, including Minister of Energy and Mineral Resources Regulation (Permen ESDM) No. 11 of 2019, this study aims to elucidate the rationale behind the prohibition and assess its impact on Indonesia's economic sovereignty, value addition in the nickel industry, and international trade relations. Additionally, the research seeks to provide recommendations to stakeholders, particularly the Indonesian Government, on navigating the challenges and opportunities associated with the nickel ore export prohibition, with a view toward promoting sustainable economic development and maximizing the benefits derived from the country's mineral resources. Theoretical framework: This research uses a multidisciplinary theoretical framework to analyze the Indonesian Government's policy of prohibiting nickel ore exports. It uses normative legal theory, constitutional law, administrative law, resource curse theory, export-led growth theory, trade policy analysis, state sovereignty, political economy perspectives, and international relations theory to understand the policy's implications on legal, economic, and political dynamics at domestic and international levels. Design/Methodology/Approach: This research uses a mixed-methods approach, combining normative legal research with qualitative analysis, to examine the Indonesian Government's policy of prohibiting nickel ore exports. It examines the legal framework, aligns with international norms, and gathers insights from stakeholders through interviews, document analysis, and thematic analysis. The findings are then analyzed to provide a comprehensive understanding of the policy's legal, economic, and socio-political dimensions. Findings: The Indonesian Government's policy of prohibiting nickel ore exports has led to increased value addition, employment opportunities, and technology transfer. This policy aligns with Indonesia's sovereignty over its natural resources, aligns with international obligations, and enjoys domestic support. The policy has potential long-term implications for sustainable development and strategic positioning, highlighting the need for a holistic approach to resource management and international trade relations. Research, Practical & Social Implication: The research provides a comprehensive analysis of Indonesia's policy of prohibiting nickel ore exports, offering insights for future studies. It also informs comparative studies, policy design, diplomatic engagement, and social implications. The policy's potential for economic development and environmental protection is highlighted, promoting sustainable management of Indonesia's mineral resources. Originality/Value: This research explores Indonesia's policy prohibiting nickel ore exports, focusing on its economic, legal, and socio-political implications. It uses a multidisciplinary approach, incorporating legal, economic, and political perspectives. The empirical data from stakeholder interviews and document analysis provides valuable insights. The findings have practical implications for policymakers and international actors in resource governance and sustainable development.

Changing food systems is one of the most promising and impactful ways to address nutrition and health, climate change and environmental degradation. The International Network for Food and Obesity/NCDs Research Monitoring and Action Support (INFORMAS) developed the Healthy Food Environment Policy Index (Food-EPI) to measure the extent of implementation of healthy food environment policies by governments compared to international best practice. The Food-EPI provides a mechanism to assess government policies and infrastructure support to create healthy food environments. The Food-EPI tool covers seven food policy areas, including composition, labelling, promotion, prices, provision, retail and trade, and six measures of infrastructure, including leadership, governance, funding, monitoring, platforms and health-in-all-policies. The Food-EPI process includes the drafting of a comprehensive evidence document on the implementation of policies, verified by government stakeholders and the assessment of those policies, as well as identification of priority policy actions by an expert panel at the national level. The tool and process were pilot tested and implemented in New Zealand in 2014 and then again in 2017 and 2020. Since 2014, about 50 countries have implemented Food-EPI at the national level, including more than 10 European countries. There is increasing demand for a similar monitoring tool and process which can be used at the municipal/city government level to assess government actions addressing food systems for both public and planetary health. Local governments can often make more rapid progress than national governments, but on the other hand may not have jurisdiction in all critical policy areas. INFORMAS recently developed a new Food Systems Policy Index, based on a compilation of international recommendations for good practice government policies to address food systems and a scoping review on the potential effectiveness of the recommended good practice policies and interventions to improve nutrition and environmental sustainability outcomes. The new index covers policies addressing food supply chains and food environments, and is being implemented in a range of West and East African and European countries and cities. The purpose of the workshop is to discuss the role and potential of local level government (cities and municipalities) policies in addressing food systems to improve both public and planetary. The workshop will have several key presentations, some with a more global perspective and some with a very practical local perspective. Together with the panelists and the audience, the key opportunities and challenges will be discussed for European cities and municipalities to address food systems, as well as the role of monitoring and benchmarking policy implementation to increase local actions on food systems. Key messages • Monitoring and benchmarking the policy implementation to address food systems to improve public and planetary health by governments is key to increase accountability for action. • A better understanding on the role and potential of local government policies in addressing food systems can be beneficial to accelerate and innovate policy implementation.

Introduction It can be argued that at a general level politicians in the contemporary world now need to respond to the demands of the media in a way they did not formerly. Politics has become ‘mediatised’, to use Meyer’s (2002) term, with the media’s inexorable logic strongly influencing the way the political classes conduct themselves, and in significant ways, politics is now carried on through, and with reference to, those media (Schulz 2004). There is also a growing sense that the performance of the media is crucially significant, since the representation of politics has direct consequences for effective democracy and political accountability. Disquiet about this performance is evident, with some commentators feeling that the media is fixated with process over substance (Blumler and Gurevitch 1995), and that, as a consequence, politicians will be too. Yet the direct role of the media in policy development is under-explored, as various contributors to this volume attest, and clearly the dynamics of the processes involved are not as well understood as they ought to be. Figure 4.1 illustrates, in a necessarily simplified form, the constellation of players involved in these processes, and the way they are connected. The public can influence the media in a number of ways (B). Media content is, in part, influenced by audience demand expressed through the market. As a corollary, journalists are highly attuned to what the public want to read and watch, expressed in their sense of what newsworthiness is or has news value. Last, the public can have a direct impact via their direct involvement in coverage, as vox pop. The media, for their part, can encourage citizens groups or sectional interests to organise and mobilise – the recent petition against road pricing in Britain perhaps being an example (G). Sectional interests may also mobilise, but do so to influence or lobby government more directly (H). And governments, in turn, can encourage the integration of sectional or organised interests into existing policy networks (I). But they are also responsible for programmatic or legislative output, which directly impacts upon the public, one and all (C). As we might expect in a representative democracy, there is also a place for a reverse connection here, one between public preferences and government policies (D). Indeed, Hobolt and Klemmemsen’s (2005) rather mono-dimensionalquantitative model of British and Danish politics suggests that changes in issue salience for the public (particularly on unemployment and the economy) pre-date policy changes, and they conclude that these governments are, in fact, responsive to their citizens. But, their study completely fails to engage in any way with a range of other important factors. For instance, the mass media’s influence on the salience of particular issues (McCombs 2005) is completely unexplored (A), as is the impact on media content of governments and of other significant political interests (F1 and F2). Their model scarcely touches on the government’s direct responses to media coverage, a theme of many of the other contributions to this volume (E). Nor does it seem to acknowledge the response of legislators to the media’s perceived influence – the notion of a ‘third person effect’ (Herbst 2002; Perloff 1993; Kepplinger 2007). However, this general weakness is not entirely unknown in this research domain (Burstein 2003). The analysis which follows seeks to address some of these gaps, and it focuses on Britain and on the economy, particularly the issue of unemployment– perennial preoccupations of governments and citizens alike. But rather than looking at the policy process in this domain and the media’s direct role in policy development, attention is focused on news coverage of the issues, and at its subsequent impact on the public (A). This exploration should also help illuminate the connection – if there is one – between the activities of government or of organised interests and the mass media, at the level of content (F1 and F2). It should also help us appreciate the prominence of citizens within reports (B). Finally, it is hoped that an understanding of the influence of coverage on citizen’s attitudes will place the relationship between government and public (D) in a much clearer perspective. The underlying assumption in what follows is that governments and many organised interests actively and continually seek to influence the policy debate and the policy agenda, although as we will see, they are not always successful. We can explore and hypothesise a causal connection between media activity and political or policy developments (Walgrave and van Aelst 2006; and in this volume, Walgrave and Lefevere, as well as Howarth, and Strunck). The following analysis will contend that we need a much more prominent place for the notion that this connection can, potentially, run in both directions, with politicians and other organised interests seeking to influence media coverage. In a sense we have to theorise a circuit or cycle of influence. But we need to conceptualise integrated, dynamic and reciprocal relationships, and this holds true for the connection between activities of governments or other organised interests and the coverage they get. Importantly, this conceptualisation, as we will demonstrate, should emphasise conditionality. In other words, it should acknowledge the contingencies of image management, the vagaries of media receptivity to government or other elite voices, and the uneven impact on the public of any subsequent coverage.