Values, mythology and political socialisation in Türkiye: a departure from mainstream sociological narratives

The authors resolve a theoretical puzzle that characterizes the political preferences of members of social groups by (a) demonstrating that political homogeneity is a variable to be explained, (b) detailing how political discussions and shared attachments to political parties strongly influence its probability and arguing that political uniformity requires reinforcement and negotiation, (c) noting that the relatively low levels of shared policy preferences and political values are hardly influenced by any of the explanatory variables offered, and (d) presenting an alternative set of principles that accounts for these sometimes coherent and sometimes incoherent patterns. Finally, the authors address general themes in political analysis: the formation of political cultures and the relationship between theory and evidence in political science, themes at the heart of Harry Eckstein's contributions to theory in political science.

There is strong, and growing, evidence documenting health inequities across the world. However, most governments do not prioritize policies to encourage action on the social determinants of health and health equity. Furthermore, despite evidence concerning the benefits of joined-up, intersectoral policy to promote health and health equity, it is rare for such policy approaches to be applied systematically. To examine the usefulness of political and social science theory in understanding the reasons for this disjuncture between evidence and practice, researchers and public servants gathered in Adelaide for an Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia (ASSA) Workshop. This paper draws together the learnings that emerged from the Workshop, including key messages about the usefulness of various theories as well as insights drawn from policy practice. Discussions during the Workshop highlighted that applying multiple theories is particularly helpful in directing attention to, and understanding, the influence of all stages of the policy process; from the construction and framing of policy problems, to the implementation of policy and evaluation of outcomes, including those outcomes that may be unintended. In addition, the Workshop emphasized the value of collaborations among public health researchers, political and social scientists and public servants to open up critical discussion about the intersections between theory, research evidence and practice. Such critique is vital to render visible the processes through which particular sources of knowledge may be privileged over others and to examine how political and bureaucratic environments shape policy proposals and implementation action.

Parties and social movements play an important role in many theories of political science. Yet, the study of intraparty politics remains underdeveloped as random samples are difficult to conduct among political activists. This paper proposes a novel procedure to sample different parties over time and space by utilizing the advertising option of the social media webpage Facebook. As this method allows for quotas and the collection of large samples at relatively low cost, it becomes possible to improve the representativeness through poststratification and subsample robustness checks. Three examples illustrate these advantages of Facebook sampling: First, a Facebook sample approximated intraparty decisions and the outcome of a leadership contest of the Alternative for Germany. Second, a weighted Facebook sample achieved similar estimates as a representative local leader survey of the Social Democratic Party of Germany. Third, by evaluating subgroups of key demographics for parties with unknown population parameters, two Facebook samples show that the color-coded conflict in Thailand was driven by different concepts of regime type, but not by a left–right divide on economic policy-making. Facebook sampling appears to be the best and cheapest method to conduct time-series cross-sectional studies for political activists.

What are the challenges of teaching Cold War politics to the twenty-first-century student? How might the millennial generation be educated about the political science theories and concepts associated with this period in history? A college student today, who grew up in the post-Cold War era with the Internet, Facebook, Twitter, smart phones, laptops, and tablets, demonstrates a learning style that responds better to interaction and the use of multimedia in the classroom. What is an innovative teaching technique to accommodate this active-learning style? How might college professors teach undergraduates about a significant historical event such as the Cold War, when most were born after it ended? We argue that for the millennial generation Hollywood blockbusters, when used in an engaging manner beyond merely showing clips, are effective pedagogical tools that make abstract Cold War theories and concepts more understandable, identifiable, and still relevant. Our findings reveal that engaging the Millennials with “big” post-Cold War entertaining movies like Crimson Tide and Star Trek VI: The Undiscovered Country, in two undergraduate international relations courses, not only increased student comprehension and knowledge about the Cold War but also enhanced their ability to relate the era to world politics today. [Supplementary materials are available for this article. Go to the publisher's online edition of the Journal of Political Science Education for the following free supplemental resource: Appendices 1, 2, and 3. These appendices contain the sample responses from students as well as sample questions.]

Turkey’s State Crisis: Institutions, Reform and Conflict

Politics is a discipline of science that is part of social science. What distinguishes political science from other social sciences is the object studied. The development of research on the theory of political science and politics becomes a question in this paper. Topic mapping and topic classification based on keywords, countries, and themes discussed were the main focus of this research, including visual density based on keywords, showing the level of saturation political science theory. In this study, the data used were data that had been downloaded from the Scopus database with several limitations to limit and be more specific to the results of the discussion. After the documents to be reviewed and analyzed are bibliographical using the VOSViewer and NVivo 12 Plus software, the data is exported .CSV and .RIS formats. This study aims to provide insights into subsequent research on the theory of political science

Political science is increasingly focusing on the study of leadership factors in its field scope. Therefore, the primary objective of this article is to systematically analyze the use of leadership theories in scholarly publications of political science. This paper also underscores the lack of leadership theories or concepts in political science, offering insights to anyone interested in examining leadership in this academic discipline. This study introduces an alternative framework for analyzing leadership, specifically emphasizing political leadership. Thus, the question addressed in this study is: What leadership theories are applied to the study of political science? This study utilizes the systematic literature review approach, except for the Appraisal Quality stage, to examine political leadership theory and the notion of utilization as discussed in political science. The ROSE protocol is employed in this study due to its suitability for mapping and qualitative studies. Furthermore, PICo is used to formulate research questions in the context of this study. The results of this study, which involved the review of 75 papers, revealed the implementation of leadership theories and concepts in 15 distinct contexts or focus areas. The analysis of leadership in political science places significant emphasis on the dimensions of transformative and transactional leadership styles. Both leadership styles are frequently used in various research contexts. Overall, the prevalence of transformative and transactional leadership theories in political science can be understood as a reflection of the constraints political scientists face in comprehending the nature of leadership within a political context from a scientific standpoint.

As readers will recall from the previous issue of Political Psychology (April 2004), the special issue on prospect theory in political science and political psychology has been broken into two parts. substantive introduction to this topic and to the papers in the first part of the special issue appeared in April. This second commentary introduces the final three papers in this special issue. William Boettcher's article The Prospects for Prospect Theory: An Empirical Evaluation of International Relations Applications of Framing and Loss Aversion presents both an experimental test and a methodological critique of prospect theory as it has been used in political science. In particular, Boettcher notes, in line with Kahneman's (2000) argument, that political scientists confront unique challenges in seeking to apply the findings from laboratory experiments to realworld problems in international relations. Boettcher calls for a careful consideration of the signal differences between laboratory domains and those presented by real-world decision-making, which obviously present a whole host of pressures, constraints, and demands that would be impossible and unethical to simulate in a laboratory. As a result, the issues of external validity and generalizability remain open and subject to further empirical tests, validations, and/or discounting. Boettcher's article also reports the results of three experiments designed to examine the difference between domains in explicitly political contexts involving group decision-making. Like framing, group decision-making remains a fruitful area for the expansion and development of prospect theory in political science. Because few political decisions rest on one person's choice alone, and most political decisions involve some kind of group decision-making process, advances in the use of prospect theory in group interactions remain a crucial component of broader applicability for the model within political science. Boettcher's first experiment finds little support for the impact of framing on group polarization. second and third experiments suggest stronger support for predicted findings in the area of preference reversals, especially when the context of framing effects

The connections between theory in human geography and theory in political science are sadly ill-developed. Of the three types of theory in political science-normative, descriptive and positive-it is the last two which would seem to have the greatest relevance for geography. Normative theory hardly features in geography since the subject has neither an explicit nor implicit normative base. Of the likely fields of political theory which would be fruitful in geography, those concerning individuals and their motives, and decision theory seem particularly promising. Of the positive theory, the theory of games at a micro-level and the theory of the firm at a macro-level seem to have great potential. Geographers should learn much from the political literature on decision-making in an environment of uncertainty. The new political geographer should be concerned with the decision forces affecting the distribution of space as a scarce public good and consequently with the values, the organization and the access to power of groups. THE decision to confront the theme of public policy at the I974 Conference must have concentrated a number of minds wonderfully, because there is still an astonishing lack of effective connection between theory in human geography and theory in political science. I would argue that the word 'astonishing' is justified, for the need for such connection is now so clear. Younger human geographers, working for their Ph.Ds, are tending to turn away from highly quantified macro-models because they find them lacking in depth of causal explanation and thereby (they feel) inadequate in predictive power. They are increasingly concentrating instead on micro-studies of spatial decision processes by one man or (more usually) a number of people and groups working in interaction: the decision to locate a factory in a development area, the decision to build an urban motorway on one line rather than another. These workers are having to forge a new body of theory on their own; yet, apart from the neo-Marxian framework provided by Harvey (I973) and Pahl (1970) (and, behind them, French writers like Castells (I972) and Lefebvre (I972)), virtually no interpretation of political science models is available in spatial terms. In these circumstances, my contribution can be no more than suggestive. It is clearly impossible to make a systematic review of the vast body of literature which is of potential relevance, and to try to interpret it in terms meaningful to the geographer; in any case, such a systematic review exists in the early chapters of Bauer and Gergen (I968). Therefore, I shall try first to make a very general taxonomy of the theoretical work; then, within this framework, to focus on some of the more important insights; lastly, to suggest in very tentative terms some geographical applications. THE MAIN THEORETICAL APPROACHES The simplest possible division, made in Bauer and Gergen's review as in a number of other sources, is between normative theory and descriptive theory. One may ask how people and groups should act in order to get the best results; or one may ask how people actually go about getting the results they do, whether admirable or not. But then, borrowing also from the language of economics, one may speak of a third type; positive theory. Like normative theory, this is deductive in that it starts from certain rules or premises. But like descriptive theory, it seeks to explain what will happen under certain conditions, not what should happen. Nevertheless, because it has an inherent logical structure, it provides an implicit guide to policy-makers in that it seeks to show them the consequences of alternative policy actions. This three-fold classification is I believe the most useful one. It is not always easy to decide where any particular theory belongs within it. Some reviews describe whole groups of theories-in particular,

This chapter considers the role of network theory in the study of political phenomena, the analytical theoretical basis of network analysis as applied in political science. Using the concepts of centrality, community, and connectivity, it discusses the relationship between the primitives of network theory and their relationship to empirical measurement of political networks. The chapter then discusses one of the most active areas of work on network theory in political science, models of network formation, and offers some concluding thoughts about future directions of network theory in political science. We argue that the deeper theorizing about political networks will complement and improve empirical scholarship on the role of networks in politics.

The study analyzes the contribution of Alexander Kovalev to science and education, who stood at the origins of political science since its institutionalization in Russia. The contours of his general political and philosophical concept of social development are determined, original approaches to the interpretation of the categories “power” and “politics”, the laws of politics and political activity, and a number of basic concepts of political science are reconstructed. The role of A. Kovalev in substantiating the importance of political science, its structure and its place in the system of social and humanitarian sciences is highlighted. His persistent desire to establish the foundations of politics with the way of production of public life is noted and thereby more fully highlight the ideological and methodological aspects of political science knowledge, to link the philosophy and theory of political science with the variety of its instrumental dimensions. A. Kovalev’s interpretation of the problem of interrelation and interdependence of system-wide and individual needs and interests in public life, natural and spontaneous in the political process, the importance of the moral principle in politics is revealed. The question is raised about his development of the problem of the correlation of natural and social, the dialectics of civilizational and formational in social development, the correlation of innovations and traditions in political life, the scientific responsibility of a political scientist. Particular attention is paid to the qualities of A. Kovalev as an organizer of science, teacher and mentor, who educated many dozens and even hundreds of political scientists who confidently took their place in the formation and development of political science in the country. It is emphasized that the scientific merits of A. Kovalev are inseparable from his highly moral civil position, responsibility for the fate of the Motherland.

Political socialisation has been studied from different perspectives, such as voting behaviour, the impact of social networks, socialisation types and political culture on voting as well as engagement in political life. This article examines the political socialisation patterns and participation of high-skilled Turkish migrants living in different parts of the world. The main purpose is to shed light on the ways in which these migrants participate in Turkish politics; how much they are engaged or interested in Turkish politics; and how their socialisation patterns are formed. The results show that Turkish high-skilled migrants have a strong interest in Turkish politics; however, their political socialisation and engagement, except for voting, is low. In this article, it is pointed out that there is a strong relationship between the level of education and political participation as well as interest in politics. The data (N=350) were collected by an online survey conducted among Turkish migrants, who had at least a university degree and were living abroad at the time of the survey.

Enhancing our understanding of the commercial determinants of health: Theories, methods, and insights from political science

Which emotions explain why people engage in political action (e.g., voting, protesting)? To answer this question, theory and research in psychology and political science predominantly focused on distinctnegativeemotions such as anger. The current article conceptually explores the motivational potential of distinctpositiveemotions by developing an integrative perspective that specifies which positive emotions can be differentiated (i.e., theirform), whichfunctionthese emotions have, and whichimplicationsthese have for explaining political action. To this end, I analyze, compare, evaluate, and synthesize three approaches to positive emotions (affective intelligence theory, appraisal theories of emotion, and broaden‐and‐build theory). This perspective generates new hypotheses for the field to test, including the role played by distinct positive emotions such as joy, inspiration, interest, hope, and pride in motivating political action. I discuss how this perspective may help restore a balance in research on emotions and political action by focusing on the motivational potential of distinct positive emotions.

This paper will be consecrated to the problem of unemployment in Spain from the perspective of Systems Theory. But first I would like to emphasize, in a very schematic form, some of the possibilities and advantages of Systems Theory in Political Science. The purpose is only to suggest that the application of some theoretical and methodological principles of Systems Theory could contribute significantly to the development and efficiency of political systems. Let us say for the moment that the endevour requires to fulfill two main prerequisites: first to adopt the basic systemic principle which is to select the essential variablesfor any given piece of research within a polity; and second, to discover the ”system of values” that underlines this polity. To ignore these two fundamental prerequisites should be in principle theoretical and methodologically criticized as we hope to show when we study the unemployment problem in Spain. The application of the model could reduce unemployment from the current 17,1 % until some 12% in the period of 4 years.