Unions and the United Australia Party: New South Wales, 1932-39

Abstract

Once Bertram Stevens became Premier of New South Wales in June 1932, the unions, particularly those governed by state awards, had cause to feel that their position was in jeopardy. Behind Stevens in Parliament sat the United Australia Party composed mainly of company directors, managers and professional men who were likely to share Stevens' election pledge that the party would . . repeal the irksome yoke of socialist legislation with which the Lang government (has) burdened our industries.'1 Moreover the Country Party partner in the coalition held firmly to five out of the fifteen cabinet portfolios and fast to its sectional interests.2 There was more danger, perhaps, in the fact that the United Australia Party had been formed in New South Wales by a fusion of the quasi-Fascist All For Australia League and the tottering Nationalist Party. The All For Australia League had shown no sign of wanting to be a friend of the labour movement. In fact at one stage the State Labor Party had considered forming a defence corps to combat its activities. And the league still had influence: H. M. Hawkins had joined the Cabinet3, while outside the House, Sir Philip Goldfinch of Colonial Sugar Refining and Sydney Snow the retailer had transferred from League to Party their support, presumably their finance, and un doubtedly some of their ideas.4 To the right of the A.F.A.L. and the U.A.P. glowered Eric Campbell's militant New Guard. This organisation had a keen supporter in the Deputy Leader of the U.A.P., R. W. D. Weaver. In 1932, he could cheerfully tell a U.A.P. Younger Set that '. . . any young man who has red blood in his veins and grey matter in his head, should join the New Guard.'5 And there was little doubt what Campbell felt about Unions: he would tolerate 'friendly societies' provided they did not have permanent officials.6 It could appear therefore that Weaver, who had already earned the hatred of the Labor Movement for his support of the police action at Rothbury,7 might hold similar views. After all,