Unearthing Site: Locational Dissonance and the Latent Possibilities of Wilmington's 1898 Memorial

Desire and Disaster in New Orleans: Tourism, Race, and Historical Memory, by Lynell L. Thomas. Durham, Duke University Press, 2014. xii, 272 pp. $24.95 US (paperback) In this crisply written account, Lynell Thomas provides a fascinating exploration of tourism in New Orleans before and after Hurricane Katrina. The tourist geography was especially apparent in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, when it steered tourists and consumers to heavily policed tourist zones and restricted or discouraged access to nontourist black neighbourhoods that were automatically presumed to be risky, unsafe, or violent (p. 2). Before and after Hurricane Katrina many commercial guides offered tourists a selective and occasionally false New Orleans historical narrative. Commercial guides and tourist literature focused on the city's colonial historical connections with Europe. At the same time, however, mainstream commercial guides softened or omitted the histories of those of African origin who lived under French, Spanish, and American slave regimes. Even when mainstream tour operators acknowledged Africans' existence in early New Orleans, they did so in narratives highlighting the multicultural city. In her account of one company's year 2000 historical narrative, Thomas notes that guides spoke of Africans' roles in the building of New Orleans, but claimed that they lived in a racially exceptional city. Guides particularly emphasized the importance of the Creole in the city's history. The company's definition of Creole acknowledged the centrality of West African culture, but also described Creoles as an influential elite class without mention of poor or enslaved Creoles. While the tour company included black in its narrative, the company's failure to vindicate and empower its black characters was apparent (p. 81). Thomas found for example, that guides told the story of a New Orleans' slave named Toussaint without mentioning Toussaint Louverture, whose leadership in a slave revolution contributed to the establishment of the first free black nation in the Caribbean in 1804. Naming an enslaved child Toussaint in a slave society was a significant statement of identity and an act of resistance. Some New Orleans tour companies offered counternarratives to the selective and occasionally fictitious historical accounts Thomas describes in her third chapter. Thomas begins her fourth chapter with a description of the origins of the black heritage movement in New Orleans which emerged simultaneously with the modem civil rights and Black Power movements. Black business and civic leaders established an organization in 1986 and the Greater New Orleans Black Tourism Network (GNOBTN) in 1990. Thomas argues that the GNOBTN challenged the mainstream New Orleans tourism image. …

The historic city is an important space of the city. It not only witnessed the rise and fall of a city, but also accumulated a complex and rich collective emotional and cultural spirit. Urban space narrative research tend to qualitative analysis rather than quantitative comparison, history of Macao city, for example, by constructing urban history narrative system, introduced in the narrative environment space syntax to quantitative description, narrative space environment space as "figure", street network "bottom", the narrative space and city space structure form organic connection, historical urban space narrative structure and narrative information system, for protecting and renovating historical narrative cultural construction and the city to provide theoretical basis and related Suggestions.

Historical Dictionary of Brussels covers the leading places, personalities, events, and institutions that have shaped civic life in the Belgian capital. The first comprehensive English-language history of Brussels in reference form, this book includes a narrative of the city's history, more than 600 dictionary entries, and an extensive bibliography. Students, academics, professionals in the public and private sectors, residents, and visitors will find this an essential reference.

After discussing the relationship of courage to justice in modern and ancient political thought, this paper explores the debate between Athenian democratic orators and Plato on the subject of andreia, or “manly courage.” While the orators set andreia in a particular relation to justice by embedding andreia within a salvific narrative of the city's history, Plato used the figure of Callicles to draw attention to the democrats' self-serving construal of andreia within their own politics. Plato's arguments suggest that statecraft must begin with a deeper “soulcraft” than Athenian politics is capable of.

An Interethnic Paradox: Chicago's Irish and Everyone Else

Exterminate All the Brutes directed by Raoul Peck

Substantial research has been put forth calling for the field of social studies education to engage in work dealing with the influence of race and racism within education and society (Branch, 2003; Chandler, 2015; Chandler & Hawley, 2017; Husband, 2010; King & Chandler, 2016; Ladson-Billings, 2003; Ooka Pang, Rivera & Gillette, 1998). Previous contributions have examined the presence and influence of race/ism within the field of social studies teaching and research (e.g. Chandler, 2015, Chandler & Hawley, 2017; Ladson-Billings, 2003; Woyshner & Bohan, 2012). In order to challenge the presence of racism within social studies, research must attend to the control that whiteness and white supremacy maintain within the field. This edited volume builds from these previous works to take on whiteness and white supremacy directly in social studies education. In Marking the “Invisible”, editors assemble original contributions from scholars working to expose whiteness and disrupt white supremacy in the field of social studies education. We argue for an articulation of whiteness within the field of social studies education in pursuit of directly challenging its influences on teaching, learning, and research. Across 27 chapters, authors call out the strategies deployed by white supremacy and acknowledge the depths by which it is used to control, manipulate, confine, and define identities, communities, citizenships, and historical narratives. This edited volume promotes the reshaping of social studies education to: support the histories, experiences, and lives of Students and Teachers of Color, challenge settler colonialism and color-evasiveness, develop racial literacy, and promote justice-oriented teaching and learning.

The “Nazi Detective” as Provider of Justice in Post-1990 British and German Crime Fiction: Philip Kerr's <i>The Pale Criminal</i>, Robert Harris's <i>Fatherland</i>, and Richard Birkefeld and Göran Hachmeister's <i>Wer übrig bleibt, hat recht</i>

The concept of “territorial stigmatisation” identifies the role of symbolic denigration in the production of marginalised places. In this paper, I draw on ethnographic research with a food justice organisation in Camden, New Jersey, to examine youth's responses to territorial stigma. The analysis demonstrates how Black and Latinx youth rewrite the story of Camden in a way that locates the “good” within it, using narratives of the city's prosperous history and possible futures to recuperate value within a stigmatised place. I argue that the perspectives of youth illuminate the temporal dimensions of territorial stigma, situating the blemish of place in relation to conceptions of individual and social change. The article contributes to a growing literature examining the strategic responses of those who dwell in pathologised places. Because youth are uniquely situated within the production of place, their perspectives offer important insights in this process.

While examples of both governmental patronage and private sponsorship of art during the 1930s have been well documented, the history of corporate commissions has not yet received the same degree of critical attention. By tracing the development of corporate mural commissions in Los Angeles during the 1930s, larger concepts emerge beyond that of simple corporate branding. Labor, modernity's notion of progress, local history, civic identity and art's pedagogical purpose are the themes found within the murals which reflect the complicated, and often paradoxical, role of private corporations in this emerging city. The inclusion of murals by local artists Hugo Ballin, Conrad Buff and Barse Miller within the highly trafficked lobbies of the corporate headquarters for the Title Guarantee and Trust Company (1931), the Southern California Edison Company (1931) and the Los Angeles Times (1935) was a way for these powerful corporations to frame public opinion about business through carefully constructed narratives of local history that place the corporation as the major vehicle of urban growth and remind viewers of their on-going investment in the city's cultural and civic history.

One might hope that philosophy could reconcile us to our social world and each other. To entertain this as plausible is to think there is some perspective one could reach via philosophical enquiry that shows our life and society to be as they are for good reason, allows us to see it all as in some sense rational. Hegel is no doubt the great exponent of this ideal, his system promising to trace history's patterns and conceptual development, while he is so optimistic as to believe that, at its end, we would achieve the perspective whereby every agent's own actions and situation can be made intelligible to themselves and others. This was meant to be true for us the readers, so we would be able to see for ourselves how what we do makes sense, given our circumstances, and is plausibly tending towards a good end. 1 Of course, the problem is that there may not be such a perspective. Perhaps to see the world aright is to recognize it as a jumbled mess, with no progressive tendency towards greater coherence, and no satisfaction to be had in achieving superior insight. Perhaps there is no good end we are collaboratively working towards, no possible reconciliation with each other; maybe we are perpetually on the brink of descending once more into a Hobbesian nightmare. Hegel hoped to reassure us that the existence of that clarificatory perspective is guaranteed; as free agents, once we achieve self-awareness we necessarily mutually recognize one another as engaged in a fundamentally cooperative project tending towards justified ends. 2 But, alas, not all of us have been convinced, and a kind of existential anomie can befall a thoughtful person who surveys our present socio-cultural situation. 3 What if there really just is no excuse for how things are, and no good reason for me to carry on?

Reviewed by: Southern Nation: Congress and White Supremacy after Reconstructionby David A. Bateman, Ira Katznelson, and John S. Lapinski Angie Maxwell Southern Nation: Congress and White Supremacy after Reconstruction. By David A. Bateman, Ira Katznelson, and John S. Lapinski. Princeton Studies in American Politics: Historical, International, and Comparative Perspectives. ( Princeton and Oxford, Eng.: Princeton University Press, 2018. Pp. x, 468. $35.00, ISBN 978-0-691-12649-4.) Southern Nation: Congress and White Supremacy after Reconstructionprovides scholars of the U.S. South with something they rarely have and desperately need: a quantitative political history. The book's historical narrative provides a nuanced chronology that the authors have meticulously crafted, and the quantitative analysis offers a broad view of the real impact of their subject over time. In this case, the subject is the southern members of the U.S. Congress in the six decades after Reconstruction. The authors make a strong argument for why the region deserves such attention and why the reestablishment of white rule in the Jim Crow South had such a major impact on the national body politic. As authors David A. Bateman, Ira Katznelson, and John S. Lapinski note in chapter 1, V. O. Key Jr. undertook his landmark study Southern Politics in State and Nation(New York, 1949) to explain the political behavior of the region to the nation at large. Southern Nationtraces the repercussions of that political behavior for the rest of the country in two critical periods: the post-Reconstruction reestablishment of southern white power and what the authors describe as "the high moment of Jim Crow when the white South came to be the dominant force in the Democratic Party and the Republican Party conceded southern autonomy" (p. 17). In doing so, the authors manage to complicate popular understandings of a solid, conservative white South. For example, in their analysis the authors highlight how southern support in Congress proved vital to the passage of several Progressive policies in the early twentieth century. Though elites, desperate to prevent an alliance of poor white people and African Americans, often found ways to squash Populist uprisings internally in the South, they supported some Populist policies at the federal level. They could do so, and could even cross party lines on some issues nationally, because they maintained such power in the South's one-party politics. Incumbency was often guaranteed, which gave some white southern congressmen more flexibility than those facing tough reelections. However, such flexibility could not coexist with any sense of threat to the southern racial hierarchy. In those moments when national legislation endangered white supremacy, southern congressional delegations [End Page 714]were a united, defensive front. That front proved highly effective at obstructing federal efforts—direct or indirect—to level any aspect of the racial playing field. To this end, southern white congressmen wielded enormous power. On nonracial issues, their incumbency advantage allowed them to be swing votes, but on any legislation affecting race relations, they were a block of massive resistance. They weighed their hope for federal improvements in the region against their fear of too much federal interference, all the while balancing their "constellation of commitments" to white authority, to populism in a general sense, and "to constituency needs in a poor region" (p. 384). Nonsouthern congressmen, in turn, had to sidestep any legislative land mines that would spark the southern defensive block, while simultaneously courting the swing or crossover votes of southern congressmen. The authors make the important point that, rather than being aberrant, southern congressional political behavior bent national politics to its will. It was the central force to which federal legislative agendas had to react and be shaped accordingly. This conclusion indicates, the authors note, "the need to modify theories of congressional lawmaking to account for the exceptional features of southern representation in national politics" (p. 41). The data presented in Southern Nationshould influence the historiography as well. The authors quantify and then dissect the political solid South narrative, highlighting each little crack and repair, and showing how the region "played a key role in developing the content and contours of American liberalism" (p. 384). Angie Maxwell University of Arkansas Copyright © 2019 The Southern...

Using the chokehold as a theoretical framework to analyze the gendered and sexualized vulnerabilities of Black males, I place historical records in conversation with the temporal moment, particularly the allegations of sexual violence committed against Black males at the University of Michigan. In doing so, I conducted a critical discourse analysis of media documents, asking how does White supremacy function to both terrorize Black males’ bodies and ignore their pain in higher education contexts? Findings from the study surfaced three critical implications that come to bear on student development theory and practice: the myth that Black people broadly, and Black males, in particular, do not have interior lives worth protecting; the historicized incapability of Black males to experience pain/assault; and sexual violence is ongoing and unremarkable in the lives of Black males.

&lt;em&gt;Hello, Ever After&lt;/em&gt;

This article seeks to make sense of the Italian city of Rome as a more-than-human city through tracing a particular set of temporal and spatial relations that constitute and connect the worlds of humans and the European starling ( Sturnus vulgaris ) in the city. It will explore these geographical relations through the practices and materials of human and starling lives and consider the ways in which city space is formed through shared spatial logics, processes of social organisation and boundary making between humans and starlings. It will also argue that olives play a fundamental role in mediating human-starling relations in the city not least through their significance in articulating the circulation of temporal-spatial connections between present day Rome, the idealised fascist landscapes created under the rule of Benito Mussolini in the 1920s and 1930s and ancient Augustan Rome at the beginning of the first century CE. These three temporal moments will primarily be articulated through three related sites: a columbarium discovered in 1984 beneath the Villa Doria Pamphili in western central Rome, the reclaimed Pontine marshes of the Agro Pontino to the south-east of Rome and the streets of the present-day city centre. Through this temporal-spatial framework I will explore how starlings have inscribed themselves into the spatial politics of Roman life, how they map the city through the extension of their bodies through space and how the entangled spaces of Rome represent both the wilful agency of starlings and the wildness of the city. In doing so I seek to compliment and extend recent thinking about the constitution of the more-than-human city in two particular ways: through observing specific sites where human-starling worlds co-operate, overlap, abrade or conflict and through recentring the role of the temporal in tracing the geographies of the more-than-human city.