Uncivil Discourses, Online Comments and Politics: A Case Study of Discussions Surrounding Ghana’s Lithium Deal

Show Me a Hero

Economic supremacy is the dominant feature of the present-day world. In order to survive, we have no option but to attain economic development. Foreign investment is recognised as a key ingredient for economic growth for the least developed countries (LDCs) and for Bangladesh, being one of the LDC with a domestic savings rate -- which in quite insufficient for investment after fulfilling its basic needs -- the importance of foreign investment is undeniable. Today investing in a developed country is not viable due to very high labour cost and other factors. As a result, global investors are seeking for opportunities to invest in the developing countries or LDCs for the best return. But as an LDC, we have a lot to do to attract such investments in our own interest. Foreign direct investment (FDIs) will create employment, increase efficiency of our labour, encourage technology transfer and develop new exportable sectors for us.Foreign investment in Bangladesh unfortunately, is not satisfactory. According to the UNCTAD, in 2003 Bangladesh had achieved only 0.05 per cent foreign investment, while the proportion was 0.9 per cent in India, 0.52 per cent in Vietnam, 10.2 per cent in Indonesia and 70 per cent in China. In Bangladesh, most foreign investments have gone into the energy sector (mineral resources / mining). Comparatively foreign investment in the manufacturing sector is not high. This may be due to the fact that Bangladesh has a small domestic market and is not fully capable of consuming quality goods due to low purchasing power.

Yinhua Mai and Philip Adams INTRODUCTION The resource sector represents a natural complimentarity between Australia and China. Australia is a world leader in mining technology, and has rich energy and mining resources. China, on the other hand, has become a net importer of mining products due to its rapid industrialization in the past three decades. To secure the supply of energy and mining inputs to its manufacturing sector, China has invested heavily in resource assets around the world. In this chapter, we discuss issues related to the resource sector under a bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) between Australia and China. In addition to border protection (tariff and non-tariff barriers) on bilateral merchandise trade of resource products, we also discuss the openness of the two countries’ foreign investment regimes. The foreign investment issues discussed in this chapter are mainly those concerning foreign direct investment or portfolio investment with an interest in the management of the company. Bilateral investment issues are important to the resource sector for two reasons: ● ● most of Chinese investment in Australia is in the resource sector; and China’s investment regime is important to the Australian providers of mining technology services as they establish their commercial presence in China. In this chapter, we also discuss our quantitative estimates of the potential benefits of the trade and investment liberalization under the FTA, with special reference to the resource sector. However, as the resource products are mostly used as inputs into other industries, we consider the impacts of the FTA on...

Street vending is woven into the history of urban areas across the globe. Despite this lengthy history, academic inquiry on street vending is recent. Research on street vending arose largely in lock step with research on the informal economy. A definition of the informal economy is not settled, but a commonly used definition by the International Labor Organization describes the informal economy as economic activities that are not covered or poorly covered by formal arrangements—be it in law or in practice. This lack of protections makes informal workers vulnerable. Some vulnerabilities vendors face include lack of licensing, no social security, and harassment and eviction by public authorities. Street vendors are one of the largest, and certainly most visible, parts of the informal economy. Most research on street vending comes from sociology, urban studies, and anthropology, while scholars in the fields of business, economics, and political science also study the topic. Found in cities worldwide, street vendors sell hot and prepared food and drinks, fruits and vegetables, clothing, electronics, media, souvenirs, and virtually everything else. Street vendors also provide services like shoe shining and shoe repair. Many vendors are stationary, returning daily to their same spot to regularize a connection with their clientele. Stationary vending set-ups vary, with some vendors simply selling goods from a basket or a blanket on the ground, while others have a semi-permanent stall that can be shuttered in the evening. Itinerant vending is also very common with displays ranging from pushcarts to mobile or hand-held displays. Some vendors are on the move to cater to a mobile population, with vending on trains or train platforms as a popular location. Other vendors may be mobile to avoid police tickets or harassment. While the term “street vendor” is commonly used in the literature, other common terms include “trader,” “hawker,” and “peddler.” Street vendors are largely an entrepreneurial group, though some are wage workers. Vendors tend to be poor, though this is not ubiquitous. In many contexts, vending provides a decent income, especially for those without formal education. It is not uncommon for vendors to operate through family, kinship, or other social networks. For example, a market may be dominated by a particular ethnic group. Given that many vendors operate in public spaces, street vending is often a contentious issue, with tensions between vendors and municipal authorities, residents and residents’ associations, and businesses routinely occurring. Governments often mark vendors and vending as disorderly and chaotic to justify removals and crackdowns. In reaction, vending or trading unions are common as are alliances with NGOs, politicians, and political parties. Additionally, vendors and markets are often self-organized, running along an internally created order that defies governmental assertions of chaos and disorder. Despite these strains, some cities and countries have legalized street vending, with some promoting street vendors as tourist attractions. The following themes will largely discuss the specific literature on street vending, but more general literature on the informal economy will also be invoked when helpful.

State competitiveness is a key factor influencing a country's capacity to attract foreign direct investment (FDI), as it reflects the efficiency of institutions, infrastructure, macroeconomic stability, and innovation capacity, among others. In Mexico, the Mexican Institute for Competitiveness (IMCO) is responsible for measuring and analyzing state competitiveness through its State Competitiveness Index, which evaluates factors such as economic stability, governance, innovation, and security conditions.This study explores how state competitiveness and perceived insecurity impact the attraction of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) across Mexican states, using a comprehensive model that incorporates key variables such as state competitiveness, perception of insecurity, political party in power, and GDP. Based on data from 2019 to 2023, the analysis reveals that the State Competitiveness Index is the most significant predictor of FDI, exhibiting a positive relationship with new investments. This indicates that higher state competitiveness tends to attract more foreign investments. Additionally, the Perception of Insecurity Index demonstrates a significant, albeit smaller, effect on FDI, suggesting that increased insecurity perception can still influence investment flows, though to a lesser extent. These findings underscore the complex dynamics between security perceptions, competitiveness, and foreign investment, providing valuable insights for policymakers aiming to enhance investment attraction strategies.

Two studies investigated the effects of bringing a highly controversial politician to mind on the evaluations of another politician in the Mexican political context. We took advantage of the dynamic nature of the Mexican political context in which politicians often threaten to leave or actually leave their political parties, influencing the categorization process. We hypothesized that the same controversial politician could elicit assimilation and contrast effects on the evaluations of another politician, depending on whether both political figures were treated as lateral categories or members of the same superordinate category. Study 1 found support for the predicted contrast effects but only among those who did not classify both political figures as members of the same political party. Study 2 found support for the expected interexemplar assimilation effects but only among those who classified both political figures as members of the same political party. The theoretical and applied implications of our results were discussed.

PurposeGroupthink happens in-group decision-making processes whereby members of a group prematurely arrive at a decision that may indicate consensus but for the aim of protecting group harmony. This limits the contributions of the individuals' talents, ideas, competences and experiences to more effective decisions. Although there are a number of studies on predictors (forecasters) of groupthink, they do not consider the influence of the African cultural aspects of collectivism, high power distance and tolerance on groupthink that may characterise the decision-making context in African settings. It is in that context that this case study analyses groupthink in a public sector organization in Tanzania.Design/methodology/approachThis paper unveils the presence of groupthink predictors that can affect the quality of decisions made in groups within the Tanzania context. The study was conducted in one of the public institutions in Tanzania that is under the Ministry of Home affairs. The study population included Directors, Managers, Heads of units, District registration officers and other officials as shown in Table 1. These are the people who participate in decision-making processes in the organization and were drawn from different offices of the organization including the headquarter office, Kibaha Data centre, District Registration offices from different regions including Dares Salaam, Coast region, Arusha, Mtwara, Mwanza, Manyara, Mbeya, Singida, Dodoma, Geita, Lindi and Njombe – these 12 administrative regions are among the 27 regions that make up the Tanzania mainland. Through simple random and purposive sampling methods, a total of 97 participants participated effectively. The criterion for participation being participants must have been involved with at least one decision-making group experience. The choice of the organization was done on the basis that it is a relatively a new institution of importance; it was also possible to get from it the needed data.FindingsThe results of the study show that there is the presence of groupthink predictors of high trust, conformity and promotional leadership in decision-making groups in the organization. Furthermore, the diversity of group members alone indicates to be insufficient reason to avoid Groupthink. It is suggested that other important factors might be at play in group decision making including the influence of African cultural characteristics.Research limitations/implicationsThis study was limited to only one institution. For a study of this nature to be undertaken access to data could be a very significant problem. Limiting it to one organization we are familiar with made it a bit easy to achieve access.Practical implicationsGroup decision making and groupthink are rarely in discourse in Africa. Tanzania is not isolated from the world, and being a country that unity is a cultural tenet that is promoted at every level from the family to national level (Rwegelera, 2003; Tripp, 1999) effects of groupthink is reasonably conspicuous because of the inbuilt national culture that has shaped people to be tolerant and accepting of different perspectives, ethnic groups, religious and races (Tripp, 1999). The same tolerance and acceptance may be transferred to decision-making groups and easily cause the occurrence of groupthink that can affect the quality of decisions made.Social implicationsThe Tanzania government has dedicated itself to putting strict measures to prohibit unethical and erroneous decisions that cost the nation including reducing employees' misconduct. The findings of this study indicate that there are hidden aspects like groupthink that are not reached by those measures yet ironically impacts the decisions made in organizations and in turn costs organizations and the country at large and calls for the government and its institutions together with the private sector to be awakened and alerted if they are dedicated and concerned about the quality of decisions they make.Originality/valueThis is an original research work building on previous research. Some findings on groupthink and implications have Western origins. In Africa, we need to figure out what is making the continent not to make significant steps to change the social-economic environment. This study highlights to both African academics and leaders with no management background to make them understand groupthink as a phenomena that has implications to quality decisions. It will also prompt similar studies and therefore widen understanding on decisions making.

Who Tells Your Story? Analyzing a Century of Utah History

In the Western world, governments are put in place for the benefit of the masses. Thus, in the formation of government and the initiation and implementation of policies and programmes, the interests of the masses are paramount and sacrosanct and are consequently safeguarded and protected. One cardinal factor that has made this possible is the fact that governments, in that part of the world, are formed by the compatibles - that is by people and parties that are united in thought, principle and ideology and are unwavering in their commitment to adding value to human life. Conversely, in the third world, particularly in Africa, governments are formed, in most cases, for reasons other than altruistic. Across Africa and particularly in Nigeria, governments are formed, first and foremost, to benefit individuals, ethnic and social groups. Since being in government is generally seen as being at the fountain-head of wealth as well as the best form of insurance against domination by other ethnic or social groups, ethnic groups (and by implication, political parties which, more often than not, are ethnically or regionally based) do everything possible to control or partly control the federal government. Since Nigeria is a multi-ethnic state with no nationally acknowledged political leader; with the exception of the present People’s Democratic Party government, Nigeria’s federal governments had always been in the form of alliance between political parties. In the formation of these alliances however, principle and ideology have no place whatsoever and since ideological compatibility is what keeps alliance-governments together, virtually all Nigeria’s alliance-governments turned out to be governments by incompatibles. This article examines the reasons for and the consequences of the formation of one of such governments by incompatibles in Nigeria. Key words: governments by incompatibles, alliance-governments, masses, political parties, Africa, Western World.

Facebook facilitates more extensive dialogue between citizens and politicians. However, communicating via Facebook has also put pressure on political actors to administrate and moderate online debates in order to deal with uncivil comments. Based on a platform analysis of Facebook’s comment moderation functions and interviews with eight political parties’ communication advisors, this study explored how political actors conduct comment moderation. The findings indicate that these actors acknowledge being responsible for moderating debates. Since turning off the comment section is impossible in Facebook, moderators can choose to delete or hide comments, and these arbiters tend to use the latter in order to avoid an escalation of conflicts. The hide function makes comments invisible to participants in the comment section, but the hidden texts remain visible to those who made the comment and their network. Thus, the users are unaware of being moderated. In this paper, we argue that hiding problematic speech without the users’ awareness has serious ramifications for public debates, and we examine the ethical challenges associated with the lack of transparency in comment sections and the way moderation is conducted in Facebook.

Political education for women politicians is ineffective because women are still considered merely as an ‘object’ to perpetuate patriarchy political dynasty. This study utilizes a legal inter-diciplinary methodology. It selects five political parties. Respondents are female politicians who have experiences on political education, anti-corruption and gender equality issues. Most of political parties are dependent with political figure as a ‘strong leader’. Political education’s curriculum is a doctrinization of parties’ political figures. It lacks of anti-corruption and gender equality perspectives. Reform should start from within by changing its paradigm into member-based mass political party, so political education can leverage female politicians.

Clinton in the News: Gender and Authenticity in American Politics. By Shawn J. Parry-Giles. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2014. 258 pp. Clinton in the News analyzes the verbal and visual texts of over 1,200 television news broadcasts to build an assiduous account of its titular subject's remarkable career in the political spotlight. The book examines how American television networks constructed news frames based on gendered expectations for Clinton's performance as a presidential candidate's spouse, a First Lady, a legislative activist, a legal defendant, a scorned wife, and a U.S. Senate candidate. Shawn J. Parry-Giles borrows from a diverse group of scholarly literatures--including political science, postmodernism, mass communication theory, and critical-cultural studies--to conduct an inquiry that fits most comfortably in the fields of communication and media studies. The project makes worthwhile contributions to scholarly discussions regarding news framing, women in politics, and political figures' perceived authenticity. The book relies on the concept of news frames for its interpretive footing. Three types of baseline news frames are relevant to the study: stock frames, residual frames, and linguistic frames. In the case at hand, they explain how early characterizations of Clinton as a lightning rod and recurring references to the Hillary Factor (p. 26) persisted and evolved throughout her career. The use of news frames as an interpretive lens brings the trials and triumphs of Clinton's career under the media's scrutiny into sharp focus. Furthermore, the book's vocabulary here is so clear and useful that it could serve as the foundation for analyses of news coverage of any number of other high-profile political figures. Of course, framing is a visual concept as much as it is a verbal one. American news media reacted to the presence of a powerful woman in a traditionally male-dominated space by adopting a policy of intense surveillance. With that circumstance in mind, Parry-Giles condemns the pseudoscience of physiognomy, or the idea that one's mood and character can be accurately assessed simply by observing facial expressions. Television news media routinely encouraged audiences to search Clinton's face for evidence of her motives and sense of morality. When crafting visuals to accompany their news pieces, broadcast networks selected stock photographs of Clinton that best fit their narrative, without regard for context. In 1997, for instance, both ABC and CBS made frequent use of an image of Clinton in sunglasses to communicate the idea that Clinton was not being honest and open with the American public. Although accusations of inauthenticity can haunt any politician, regardless of their gender, the unique double bind experienced by women in politics makes this line of character attack even more likely. Clinton was portrayed as fake and untrustworthy in a cyclical process marked by symbolic violence. Parry-Giles interprets the relationship between Clinton and television news media through the lens of domestic abuse and sexual assault. …

This study laid a foundation in the study of the gap between mediated representations of Africans and their actual lived realities. It has been my aim to highlight that the African population in Australia are not merely a passive group, who do not notice the injustices done to them through ideological dominance. Just because they are not presented as empowered subjects in mediated representations does not mean that that they do not note nor feel that they are not a valued ethnic and cultural group in Australian society. In saying so the argument remains, is the media the best locus to obtain a rendering of society? Granted the media has its flaws, however, it has been regarded as the mirror of society (Cottle in Ethnic minorities & the media: changing cultural boundaries. McGraw-Hill International, New York, 2000; Durham in Crit Stud Media Commun 21(2):140–161, 2004; Jakubowicz and Seneviratne in Ethnic conflict and the Australian media, 1996. Retrieved from http://www.multiculturalaustralia.edu.au/doc/jakubowicz_3.pdf; Jeffres in Commun Res 27(4):496–535, 2000; Mainsah in Nord Rev 30(1):83–94, 2009; Rasinger in Media Cult Soc 32(6):1021–1030, 2010; Trebbe and Schoenhagen in J Int Migr Integr 12(4):411–428, 2011). For this study, the media was a key starting point because this is one of the dominant platforms in which Africans feature. Other avenues I could have pursued were the representation of Africans in the economy of Australia, professional capacities or even consumerism. These are all viable areas of research that have not been explored. However, in my academic capabilities, I feel I might not have done them justice. The study of media and ethnic groups has a long research tradition. However, I have argued in the Australian context the data on how African immigrants are portrayed or how they use the media is largely unknown. Since 1996, (22 years ago) when Africans became a statistically recognised population (Australian Bureau of Statistics in Census 2006—people born in Africa, 2008. Retrieved from Canberra: http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/abs@.nsf/Lookup/3416.0Main+Features32008#Top; Hugo in Migration between Africa and Australia: A demographic perspective. Paper for Australian Human Rights Commission, 2009. Retrieved from https://www.humanrights.gov.au/publications/african-australians-project-migration-between-africa-and-australia-demographic) research into the group has been sparse. This book has been an explorative investigation into the relationship between African immigrants and the media. The key extraction from this book is the value given to certain lives over others, through the way that they are discussed, perceived and esteemed socially.

An analysis of the state of attracting foreign investments in the post-war reconstruction of energy and other social facilities of Ukraine damaged and destroyed by the aggressor country, russian federation, has been carried out. It is substantiated that effective ways of investing funds and material resources by foreign investors in the restoration of Ukrainian critical infrastructure, educational and medical institutions, civil and military industrial enterprises should be used to conclude agreements on minerals, create investment funds, make investments by foreign labor migrants, programs similar to the “Marshall Plan”, as well as foreign direct investments. The content of the memorandum of intent between Ukraine and the United States on the preparation of an official agreement on economic partnership and an investment fund for reconstruction, as well as the agreement itself on the creation of an investment fund dated April 30, 2025, was analysed. It was established that, unlike the memorandum, it contains not only intentions to use the basic principles of joint investment activities, but also obligations of the parties to their implementation and the need for the United States of America to provide Ukraine and its foreign investors with guarantees of the safety of work on the reconstruction of energy, logistics and other infrastructure, although they also require more specific formulation. It is argued that both the Memorandum and the Agreement provide for mutually beneficial conditions for Ukraine and the United States in their cooperation to rebuild the Ukrainian economy. The Ukrainian authorities are invited to use the experience of protecting their national interests in cooperation with foreign investors, gained during the conclusion of the Agreement on Mineral Resources and the creation of an investment fund with the United States of America. It is concluded that for the effective inflow of foreign investments, Ukraine needs to take measures to create an attractive investment climate, including institutional reforms in the field of taxation, compliance with the rule of law and European standards of legal protection of funds and material resources of foreign investors.

The role of political parties in multi-ethnic states is quite complex, as they should be focused not only on political governance at the level of the state as a whole, but also on promoting national unity in interethnic relations, forming tolerant cooperation and interaction between different ethnic groups. Aim. This article aims to take the operation and development of political parties in multi-ethnic countries such as Kazakhstan and China as examples to study the role of political parties and to study cases from the practice of their activities in maintaining national stability, promoting social harmony, and protecting the interests of small ethnic groups.Tasks. One of the tasks of political parties in multi-ethnic states is to integrate different social interests and ensure that all ethnic groups have a voice and are represented in the decision-making process at the national level.Methods. Comparative analysis is used to compare models of multi-ethnic governance in different countries or regions, and to analyze the role and effectiveness of different political parties in these models. This will help to understand the strengths and weaknesses of different governance models and identify best practices. It also analyzes the reasons for the successes and failures of different countries and political parties by analyzing their historical practices of multi-ethnic governance. This will help to understand how political parties have responded to ethnic conflicts and governance challenges throughout history.Results. The research paper pointed out that the policies developed and implemented by political parties in multicultural countries in support of the cultures of different ethnic groups, the protection and promotion of the languages, religions, traditions and cultural identities of different ethnic groups, comply with the UN standards and principles on these issues. However, as shown by the political and SWOT analysis of the statutory and program documents of the political parties in the countries studied, there are problems.Conclusion. Certainly, political parties are making efforts to ensure equal opportunities and access for all ethnic groups to the economy, education, employment and so on, in order to promote the creation of a fair and inclusive society, while ensuring the civil rights of minority ethnic groups, or as it is called in international legal literature “national minorities”.