Un espectro recorre el documental Edificio España (2012): ruinas de un pasado dictatorial

Hispanic Technocracy explores the emergence, zenith, and demise of a distinctive post-fascist school of thought that materialized as state ideology during the Cold War in three military regimes: Francisco Franco's Spain (1939–1975), Juan Carlos Onganía's Argentina (1966–1973), and Augusto Pinochet's Chile (1973–1988). In this intellectual and cultural history, Daniel Gunnar Kressel examines how Francoist Spain replaced its fascist ideology with an early neoliberal economic model. With the Catholic society Opus Dei at its helm amid its 'economic miracle' of the 1960s, it fostered a modernity that was 'European in the means' and 'Hispanic in the ends.' Kressel illuminates how a transatlantic network of ideologues championed this model in Latin America as an authoritarian state model that was better suited to their modernization process. In turn, he illustrates how Argentine and Chilean ideologues adapted the Francoist ideological toolkit to their political circumstances, thereby transcending the original model.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the recovery experienced by Sos del Rey Catolico´s monumental complex according to the methodological criteria of the General Directorate of Fine Arts and Architecture during Franco´s dictatorship (especially from the 1950s to the 1970s). The case of this Aragonese village is a paradigm of the Spanish context in this period, when historic and artistic values were instrumentalized according to national and folkloric ideology. This led to a museological transformation of Sos del Rey Catolico through the setting up of a historic-artistic route and the ripristino of its main monuments.

The article examines the ideological character of Juan Carlos Onganía's dictatorship by exploring its ties and dialogue with Francisco Franco's Spain. Known as the “Argentine Revolution,” Onganía's regime (1966-70) was, the article shows, one of the first Cold War Latin American dictatorship to overtly use Francoist ideology as its point of reference. While building on the conventional wisdom that the legacies of the Spanish Civil War informed right-wing thought in Latin America, the study then shifts its focus to Spain's 1960s “economic miracle” and technocratic state model, observing them as a prominent discursive toolkit for authoritarian Argentine intellectuals. Drawing on newly discovered correspondence and archival sources, the article first excavates the intellectual networks operating between Franco's Spain and the Argentine right during the 1950s and 1960s. Once handpicked by Onganía to design his regime, these Argentine Franco-sympathizers were to decide the character of the Argentine Revolution. Second, the article sheds light on the intimate collaboration between the two dictatorships, and further explores the reasons for Onganía's downfall. In doing so, the study adds to a burgeoning historiographic field that underscores the significance of the Francoist dictatorship in the Latin American right-wing imaginary.

In this paper, we explore the nature of the contradictions between capitalism and the environment as they emerge under new conditions of stress and austerity in Spanish contexts. These contradictions show how shallow the roots of urban post-materialism can be. They also show that post-materialism, which is embedded in the different habitus that can characterise rural lifestyles can have a stronger base. Ironically, however, it is precisely these lifestyles which are being threatened by top-down nature conservation practices being pursued in the Spanish State. We analyse the results of several surveys centred on environmental issues and compare the results with social discourses that arise from a specific study carried out in protected areas located in the Spanish State. In the introduction, the researchers present theoretical arguments that have played a fundamental role in shaping the social opinions on the topic of the environmentalism. In the first part, we explore the opinions revolving around environmental concern. In the second part, we focus on practices and social profiles that reflect environmentally sustainable behaviours. In the third part, we concentrate on our qualitative study and evaluate a paradoxical situation with respect to conservation. In protected areas, top-down conservation is imposed; however, many of these areas are also located in rural populations where a type of environmental conservation related to their way of life and everyday practices is part of their traditional knowledge.

The crisis in which capitalist societies have been immersed in recent years hasled certain critical sectors to rethinkingof the basic pillars of the system itself ingeneral, and the traditional economicmodels in particular. The Postgrowth Approach questionsmany of the foundations on which the current growth and the unlimited consumption society is based. In this paper we propose a degrowth review from an ecofeminist perspective, and we try to analyze to what extend it can be an opportunity to rethink the crisis and to propose outputs with equality and ecological viability criteria. In the Spanish context, in which the financial crisis has mainly resulted in significant cut of rights and, ultimately, in a deep social and environmental crisis (energy, food, care and social reproduction, etc.), this question becomes even more relevant. Therefore, we intend to delve into theoretical discussions and the proposed practical in the Spanish State, pointing out some of the achievements and, also, most relevant limitations from this ecofeminist perspective.

The Spanish self-governing regions’ international actions date back as far as the 1980s. Together with the Basque Country, Catalonia is the Spanish self-governing region with the most active trajectory of international action. Catalan international action, which is a pioneer in the Spanish context, came to be slowly but progressively accepted as a normalized form of conduct by the Spanish state, as was the international action of other Spanish self-governing regions. Nevertheless, this normalization did not eliminate conflict, which continued to surface, though sporadically and without representing significant problems. However, things appear to have changed recently. Since 2012, Catalonia has been immersed in the process of independence or national transition. In this context, the Catalan Government’s international action has taken new directions and created new instruments. For the first time in the history of Catalonia’s international action, we witness clear signs of protodiplomacy.

In his paper, "Mass-Mediated Social Terror in Spain," Nicholas Manganas explores mass-mediated narratives associated with social terror. Manganas posits that one approach to understanding social terror is to conceptualize it as a process of narrativization. Manganas takes a global view while at the same time applying that approach to the contemporary Spanish political and cultural context following the 11 March 2004 terrorist attacks in Madrid. He views the current social and political panorama of Spain as an example of social terror in dialogue with both current and historical national discourses. Manganas details the events surrounding the March 11 attack in Madrid in 2004 and posits that mass-mediated narratives of social terror can be both a struggle to negotiate current political battles of (national) identity, and also a struggle to renegotiate historical pacts that emerged from regimes of social terror such as the Franco dictatorship (1936-1975). The tensions between the image of the nation during Franco and after the attacks are understood in relation to the role of the mass media in reflecting, shaping, and fostering a state of social terror.

Reviewed by: Buying into Change: Mass Consumption, Dictatorship, and Democratization in Franco's Spain, 1939–1982 by Alejandro J. Gómez del Moral Annabel Martín Keywords Spain, Europe, United States, Consumerism, Mass Culture, Advertising, Department Store Culture, Galería Preciados, Corte Inglés, Sears, Supermarkets, Francoism, Dictatorship, Spanish Miracle, Internationalization, Democracy, Gender, Alejandro J. Gómez del Moral, Annabel Martín gómez del moral, alejandro j. Buying into Change: Mass Consumption, Dictatorship, and Democratization in Franco's Spain, 1939–1982. U of Nebraska P, 2021, 366 pp. Buying into Change: Mass Consumption, Dictatorship, and Democratization in Franco's Spain, 1939–1982 is a sharp and intelligent study of the development of a consumer society and its effects on Spanish cultural and social mores during the Franco regime. Segments of Spanish society of the 1960s were invited to join Europe's consumer society and did so with a vengeance. The accumulation of goods, the habitus of the new bourgeoisie, and the depoliticization of the working classes through consumption (goods and tourism) was not "Spanish" in intent, but rather the necessary outcome of a model of early neoliberal modernization grounded on the widespread decoupling of the economic sphere from all others in developed western societies. The Franco regime might have been anachronistic in the limitations it secured in most political, social, and cultural manifestations, but it was, on the other hand, a model student in its placing of capitalist market structures, a new service sector centered on tourism and consumption, at its core. In this new socioeconomic scenario, Spain proved itself a worthy European neighbor, given how the lack of political freedom or the repressive state discourses on cultural and gender mores were overshadowed by rapid, market-driven, and speculative [End Page 319] economic development. Buying into Change sets out to document just how important the new capitalist model of development was in accomplishing this by focusing on several of the pillars of capitalist consumption: the prolific offer of consumer goods in retail stores, the reordering of the country's food supply thanks to the success of the supermarket, and the role of modern advertising and of consumer magazines in this process. If the market, and not politics, is what articulates this new society, then modernity is secured for the dictatorship, provided it follow the laws of profit and gain. In The Consumer Society (1970), Baudrillard reminds us that consumer goods present themselves not as the products of labor but rather as the harnessing of power (33). Within a dictatorship, goods can appear to magically remedy the shortcomings of the political system, a magic that turns abundance into "an effect of nature," into an "inalienable right" (33) thanks to advertising and its invention of "truth." Individuals who bore this process in Spain and did so with a blunt political imagination did not automatically link a change in the political regime with the improvement of the conditions of life, for "progress" was, for the most part, exclusively branded in economic terms, measured in degrees of consumption, just like for fellow citizens in neighboring western democracies. This fresh age of affiuence immersed Spaniards within a burgeoning material abundance, regardless of its actual accessibility. One begs to ask, then, if capitalist economic and social structures are not actually custom-made for dictatorships. It would not be extravagant to think so given how consumer logic does away with the messiness of societies, thanks to its logic of efficiency (control and uniformity) despite parading as varied and plural in options and choices. If this is the case, the effects on democracy are also quite straightforward shortening, therefore, the road Spain needed to travel to become more like its democratic neighbors. However, one must not forget that consumerism also withholds a promise of change, of hope, a momentary arrest of the difficulties of life brought about by the political and economic impossibilities that the working poor faced in Spain. No one pointed to these contradictions within consumer society like Spanish filmmaker Luis García Berlanga in El verdugo (1962), quite possibly the most provocative critique of the Franco regime ever screened. In the film, the violence of the dictatorship can comfortably coexist within consumer society, constricting...

The protest movements that emerged in Spain in 1980–81 may have been different in several respects to those in other Northern and Western European countries. While many cities in those countries witnessed the rise of an autonomist and squatter movement, noted for their direct action repertoires and countercultural values, the Spanish context was still strongly shaped by the transition from the Franco dictatorship to a parliamentary democracy. In order to understand the movements of 1980–81 in Spain, it is thus necessary to position them within the general political context of the transition era, which began after Franco’s death in 1975 and ended with the rise to government of the Socialist Party in 1982. In the Spanish context, the transition era has a stronger explanatory value for the socio-political changes that took place in the early 1980s than the specific years 1980–81. However, in this chapter we argue that the years 1980–81 did play an important role in this process. These were the years in which the hopes of a generation of political activists for revolutionary change awakened, after four decades of dictatorship, and gave way to the disenchantment (desencanto) of the 1980s. What arose out of desencanto was a movement far more similar to the radical movements in the rest of Europe.

New product development (NPD) project leaders' learning varies after experiencing project failure, as not all failure experience equally promotes learning and not all project leaders equally learn from failure. Drawing on the sensemaking and error management perspectives, this study focuses on two research questions: to what extent does project failure experience (i.e., the percentage of project failures in the overall project portfolio managed by a project leader and the time elapsed since last project failure) affect NPD project leaders' learning from failure? To what extent does a project leader's error orientation (i.e., error competence and error strain) moderate the effect of project failure experience on NPD project leaders' learning from failure? Based on survey responses collected at two distinct time points from 237 NPD project leaders in high-tech ventures, our results show that the percentage of project failures negatively affects learning from failure, and their negative relationship is weakened as error competence increases. In contrast, the time since project failure positively affects learning from failure, and their positive relationship is weakened as error strain increases. Our findings emphasize that a simplistic approach to learning from failure fails to uncover the transformative mechanisms involved in turning failure into learning in the NPD process. Instead, we suggest a customized approach to comprehending how project leaders can capitalize on project failure considering their failure experience and error orientation to learn from NPD project failure.

Cristóbal Balenciaga is currently enjoying a standing in the field of fashion as one of the greatest international designers in history and the most praised in the Spanish scene. Stylistically, his sources of inspiration are clearly identifiable, such as the revival of traditional Spanish clothing, a clear inspiration from religious clothing or the importance of the history of art, especially Spanish baroque. However, if we analyze the contribution of the key clothing brands in Spanish couture we discover that they all share, to one extent or another, that same collective stylistic imagination. This is a fact which leads us, necessarily, to analyze the Spanish context of the time—the Francoist Dictatorship—as a determining factor in explaining the aforementioned collective phenomenon and to distance that phenomenon from a personalized vision centered on Balenciaga.

Introduction We have been developing software since the 1960s but still have not learned enough to ensure that our software development projects are successful. Boehm 2 suggested that realistic schedule and budgets together with a continuing steam of requirements changes are high risk factors. The Standish Group in 1994 noted that approximately 31% of corporate software development projects were cancelled before completion and 53% were challenged and cost 180% above their original estimate. 13 Glass discussed 16 project disasters. 5 He found that the failed projects he reviewed were mostly huge and that the failure factors were not just management factors but also included technical factors. Linberg in 1999 found that 20% of software projects failed, and that 46% experienced cost and schedule overruns or significantly reduced functionality. 8 Later, Glass revisited failed projects and found that poor estimation was high on his list of failure factors. 6 In 2007 the Standish Group reported that 35% of software projects started in 2006 were successful compared with only 16% in the corresponding 1994 report; however, the 2007 CHAOS report still identifies 46% (53% in 1994) of software projects as challenged (having cost or time overruns or not fully meeting user's requirements) and 19% (31% in 1994) as outright failures. 12 The validity of the Standish Group findings has been questioned as not consistent with cost overrun results of other surveys. 7 Jørgensen and Moløkken-Østvold suggested that there are serious problems with the way the Standish Group conducted their research and that the findings were biased toward reports of failure because a random sample of top IT executives was asked to share failure stories when mailed confidential surveys. Recently Charette 4 commented that "billions of dollars are wasted each year on failed software projects" and that "we have a dismal history of projects that have gone awry." 4 Charette suggests that from 5%-15% of projects will be abandoned before or shortly after delivery as hopelessly inadequate. 4 Other recent studies, suggest various failure rates for software development projects up to 85%. 7 Stories of software failure capture public attention and in general there is a perception that software quality is not improving but getting worse. Developing software systems is an expensive, and often a difficult process. Although there are many guidelines for successful software development, 9,11 few project post-mortems are conducted, and little understanding is gained from the results of past projects. The project manager (PM) and the development team must deal with many pressures from project stakeholders (for example, upper level management, marketing, accounting, customers, and users) during the software development process. These pressures impact both the cost and the quality of the software produced. There are generally more than one or two reasons for a software project to fail, and it usually is a combination of technical, project management and business decisions. Many software project failure factors have been described in the literature. 1-13 However, most organizations do not see preventing failure as an urgent matter. It is not understood why this attitude persists. 4 Because most of the literature is based on a handful of failed project case studies, in our research we analyze 70 failed software projects to determine those practices that affected project outcome. We are interested in providing, from the perspective of software practitioners, quantitative evidence targeting those aspects of the development process that contribute to project failure. Essentially, we are interested in updating the results of prior studies and testing the validity of previously reported anecdotal evidence. To date, no one has taken a set of project data and teased it out to identify, for a whole group of such projects, the most common failure factors. We are interested in everyday projects that are not high profile enough to be reported in the literature. Our work builds on that previously reported by Boehm, 2 Charette, 4 Glass, 5,6 Jørgensen and Moløkken, 7 Linberg, 8 and the Standish Group, 12,13 among others.

This chapter examines the case of large estates of social housing in Italy’s economic capital, Milan. Production of this housing occurred in the period of intensive industrialisation and associated urbanisation from the late 1940s to the mid-1970s. Development of these schemes occurred mainly in the periphery of the city, and led to land speculation and changed the social geography of the city. These estates initially housed Italian economic migrants attracted to Milan during the ‘economic miracle’, and since the 1990s have been the residence of a growing number of international migrants. Housing estates ceased to be developed after the 1980s, and a large part of the stock has been privatised since the 1990s. Today housing estates are more heterogeneous in terms of tenancy regimes and the social and ethnic groups who live there. The majority of the stock shows signs of (often serious) physical deterioration. The resident population has aged in situ, with ethnic segregation occurring in some residual parts of the stock. This chapter studies the evolution of these large social housing estates in spatial and social terms, using published and unpublished data from 1951 to 2017, pointing out their critical points and their potential.

Neoliberalism as a site-specific process: The aesthetics and politics of architecture in Amman, Jordan

The idea behind the Tracking Development research project of comparing 'Southeast Asia's economic miracle' with 'Africa's economic stagnation' summarizes the widely perceived notion of the difference in performance by the agricultural sectors in these regions over the last fifty years. This chapter looks at the statistical evidence of the perceived differences between Southeast Asia and Africa based on FAO data, and for Africa as a whole and the four pairs of countries that featured in the Tracking Development project: Indonesia and Nigeria; Malaysia and Kenya; Vietnam and Tanzania; and Cambodia and Uganda. The author restricts to FAOSTAT figures and interpretations of these figures, and makes an overall comparison of the eight countries at the end of the contribution. Africa's cropping data dynamics mirror the eras of Afro-optimism and Afro-pessimism. Southeast Asia and China were preparing the ground for economic breakthrough based on state-led policies that favoured agriculture and rural populations. Keywords: Africa; agricultural sectors; FAO data; FAOSTAT figures; Southeast Asia; Tracking Development research project