Ukrainian Academics in Forced Migration Caused by the Russian–Ukrainian War: Problems of Identity

During the next stage of the Russian-Ukrainian war, started with a full-scale military invasion to Ukraine, the signs of growing xenophobia and ethnic hatred Ukraine has been found, which is the aim of this study. The research methods are based on monitoring of the ethnic and ethnopolitical components of the Russian- Ukrainian war – official and political statements, media reports on crimes based on ethnic hatred, systematic analysis of opinion polls that reflect the ethnicity of the war parties and case studies - analysis of individual situations, which illustrate the rapid degradation of interethnic Russian-Ukrainian cooperation during the Russian war. Despite the high level of xenophobia researching, the convection war waged by Russia against Ukraine has not yet been studied in the current context of total digitalisation, which allows tracking ethnic hatred crimes in real time. Despite the fact that any conventional war is a priori accompanied by an increase in xenophobia and ethnic hatred, as citizens of both states during hostilities in the status of combatants and civilians are being killed, the Russian-Ukrainian war is complicated by a number of circumstances that exacerbate the atmosphere of ethnic hatred and lead to an increase in xenophobia. Although no official increase in xenophobia has been recorded during the Russian-Ukrainian war, as it has not yet been measured, a number of factors analyzed in the article point to an unprecedented rise in Russophobia in Ukrainian society in response to the Russian military invasion. The degree of ethnic hatred is increased by anti-Ukrainian rhetoric and intentions to denationalize Ukraine by the Russian military and political leadership (to destroy the Ukrainian state, the Ukrainian nation), war crimes committed by the Russian military in Ukraine, non-compliance with humanitarian law during the war to intimidate and increase casualties increase civilians, which leads to a humanitarian catastrophe in the settlements of Ukraine. Capture and deliberate destruction of infrastructure, which provides basic needs and livelihoods of people, makes it impossible to maintain normal, decent living conditions in Ukraine. The actions of the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine show all the signs of a crime of genocide. Although xenophobia is a destructive phenomenon, an obstacle to democratic development, it has been suggested that defensive Russophobia and ethnic hatred of Russia and Russians are at the core of the consolidation and resilience of Ukrainian society to achieve victory over Russia, a necessary component of preserving the state subjectivity of Ukraine. Key words: Russian-Ukrainian war, xenophobia, genocide.

The Russian-Ukrainian military conflict in Donbas region exacerbated and highlighted the problems of linguistic, national, cultural and civic identity, language behavior and language firmness during the war, when the Ukrainian language becomes not only a means of communication but also a means of preserving identity and resistance to the language of conquerors. An important source for studying these issues and some of their aspects are literature and art works dedicated to the events in Eastern Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to attempt to characterize the language behavior of Ukrainians under the Russian-Ukrainian war in Eastern Ukraine, to identify the examples of the language firmness and to determine the reasons that influence on the choice of language code under mentioned circumstances, based on the materials of a contemporary literary work. The article uses descriptive and contextual-interpretive methods to describe and analyze the material of the study as well as to summarize the results. The study is based on a novel by the writer and volunteer Tamara Gorikha Zernia (the real name of the author is Tamara Duda) “Daughter”, which reproduces the events of spring and summer 2014 – the beginning of the war and the occupation of a part of Donbass region. The plot is based on true stories that happened to real people, as well as the testimonies of eyewitnesses and participants in the events. The analysis of the novel “Daughter” by Tamara Gorikha Zernia made it possible to study the characteristic manifestations of the language behavior of Ukrainians under the Russian-Ukrainian war. The predominant Russian-speaking of Donbass is the result of a purposeful Russification policy of the region during the Soviet era, and it was the language factor that became one of the reasons for the success of the Russia’s information and propaganda campaign and armed aggression. The work reflects the perception by Donetsk residents of the Ukrainian language, Ukraine, Ukrainian national tradition, which is far from being unambiguous. At the same time, with the help of appropriate language strategies chosen by the author, it is emphasized that the war in Donbass region is primarily for Ukrainian identity. Language firmness is a characteristic feature of the communicative behavior of the main character of the work, who together with the like-minded people joined the struggle to defend their country. Language is presented as a means of preserving one’s own identity as well as the “friend-or-foe” marker, an internal factor that clearly identifies the position of the participants in the events described in the novel. Keywords: language behavior, language firmness, Donbass region, Russification, language and national identification, “friend-or-foe” opposition, information aggression.

PURPOSE: of the paper is to explore the reaction of sustainable investment markets to the Russian- -Ukrainian war. DESIGN/METHOD: The event study methodology was used within 30 countries, grouped by the regions – Asia, Europe, North and Central America, South America (Americas), Africa, and Oceania. The cross- -sectional regression analysis was applied to identify country-driven factors which influence SRI markets during the war. RESULTS/FINDINGS: It was confirmed that the Russian-Ukrainian war generated negative cumulative abnormal returns for 70% of the analyzed SRI markets. The cross-sectional regression analysis suggests that such country-driven factors as trade-to-GDP and pension assets-to-GDP have an impact on cumulative abnormal returns of sustainable stock indices and are influenced by the levels of masculinity/femininity dur- ing the Russian-Ukrainian war. ORIGINALITY/VALUE: These findings inform policymakers, investors, and researchers about economic and cultural factors that influence SRI markets amid negative geopolitical events. There are two main innova- tions brought by the model: a similar analysis of SRI markets during the war conducted for the first time, and the model that includes financial and cultural factors. KEYWORDS: sustainable investment, Russian-Ukrainian war, event study. JEL: G140, G150, O16.

Nowadays, the Russian-Ukrainian war has been a hotly topic, and the war has shaken the global economy, especially in the international crude oil market. Also, as a popular financial instrument, the investors like to see Bitcoin as a hedging tool, but the problem of whether cryptocurrencies can hedge the volatility of commodity markets lacks a unified explanation. Therefore, the paper wants to find the relationship between Bitcoin and crude oil during the Russian-Ukrainian war. This paper uses data from Bitcoin, crude oil WTI futures, and crude oil Brent futures, and constructs the VAR model and ARMA-GARCH model based on these data. Ultimately, the article finds that the volatility of the international crude oil market only has little impact on Bitcoin. Thus, the investors do not need to worry about the high crude oil price caused by the war will affect Bitcoin’s yield and volatility, so Bitcoin seems like a great hedging instrument against the shock of the international crude oil market.

B a c k g r o u n d . The position of the Vatican regarding the Russian-Ukrainian war, its influence on international politics, and internal processes in Ukraine are being studied. The research examines the Vatican's diplomatic approach, which seeks to maintain neutrality and promote dialogue between the conflicting parties. An analysis of Vatican statements regarding the war in Ukraine, reactions to them from other countries and Ukrainian society has been conducted. M e t h o d s . The study employs a complex of methods: historical analysis to examine the evolution of the Vatican's position (2014–2024), content analysis of Pope Francis's statements, comparative method to juxtapose different parties' stances, systems approach to consider the Vatican's influence on international and domestic politics of Ukraine, expert evaluation method, and statistical analysis of sociological data. This comprehensive approach allowed for a thorough investigation of the Vatican's position on the course of the Russo-Ukrainian war and its perception by the international community. R e s u l t s . The study investigates the reasons behind the Vatican's position, such as the Catholic Church's pacifist doctrine, the desire to avoid unequivocal assessments, and the influence of Pope Francis's personal background and ideological views. The research also aims to clarify Pope Francis's influence on the internal political situation in Ukraine. Research period: 2014–2024, with a focus on two stages: 2014–2022 (hybrid war and local conflict); 2022–2024 (full-scale war). Main research results: The Vatican avoids calling Russia as an aggressor and does not condemn its actions. Pope Francis seeks reconciliation and proposes that the conflicting parties sit down for negotiations. The Vatican's position on the Russian-Ukrainian war is based on Catholic dogma, where evil does not have a substantive nature; the ideological views of Pope Francis (anti- Americanism, Latin American context); the general tendency in the Catholic Church towards forgiveness, laid down by John Paul II, and pacifism. The research reveals that the Vatican's stance has faced criticism from both Western countries and Ukrainian society, as it is perceived as equating the aggressor with the victim. C o n c l u s i o n s . The Vatican does not have a significant influence on the decisions of world states. The position of the Bishop of Rome may influence public opinion in countries with a high level of religiosity. In Ukraine, the Vatican's position does not have considerable support from the Roman Catholic and Greek Catholic communities, and generally from Ukrainian citizens. The Vatican's position on the Russian-Ukrainian war is amorphous because it does not contain a clear moral assessment and equates the aggressor with the victim; therefore, criminal actions are condemned, but not their cause (Russia).

This study examines Pope Francis’ and the Vatican’s position on the Russian-Ukrainian war, its impact on international politics, and internal processes in Ukraine. An analysis of Vatican statements regarding the war in Ukraine and reactions from other countries and Ukrainian society has been conducted. The research also aims to clarify Pope Francis’ influence on Ukraine’s internal political situation. The article’s purpose is to investigate the Vatican’s influence on the processes and course of the Russian-Ukrainian war, international politics, and Ukraine’s domestic policy. The article employs a complex of methods: historical analysis to study the evolution of the Vatican’s position (2014–2024), content analysis of Pope Francis’ statements, comparative method to juxtapose different parties’ positions, systemic approach to examine the Vatican’s influence on international and domestic politics of Ukraine, expert evaluation method, and statistical analysis of sociological data. This allowed for a comprehensive study of the Vatican’s position’s impact on the course of the Russian-Ukrainian war and its perception by the international community. Research period: 2014–2024, focusing on two stages: 2014–2022 (hybrid war and low-intensity conflict); 2022–2024 (full-scale war and expectations of a radical change in the Vatican’s position). Key findings: The Vatican does not recognize Russia as an unequivocal aggressor and does not condemn its actions. Pope Francis seeks reconciliation and proposes that the conflicting parties engage in negotiations. The Vatican’s position on the Russian-Ukrainian war is based on: Catholic dogma, where evil has no substantial nature; Pope Francis’ ideological views (anti-Americanism, Latin American context); the general tendency in the Catholic Church towards forgiveness, established by John Paul II, and pacifism. The Vatican does not significantly influence world states’ decision-making. The Pope’s position may influence public opinion in countries with high levels of religiosity. In Ukraine, the Vatican’s position lacks unequivocal support from Roman Catholic and Greek Catholic communities and Ukrainian citizens in general. The Vatican’s stance on the Russian-Ukrainian war is amorphous as it lacks a clear moral assessment and equates the aggressor with the victim; consequently, criminal actions are condemned, but not their cause (Russia).

PurposeThis paper aims to investigate the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian−Ukrainian war on the volatility of several cryptocurrencies.Design/methodology/approachTo do this, the study uses the GJR-GARCH and dynamic conditional correlation (DCC)-GJR-GARCH models, which allow the author to estimate the conditional variance of the cryptocurrencies’ returns and assess their dependence structure over time.FindingsThe results show that the health crisis had a negative impact on all cryptocurrencies studied, except for Bitcoin, which experienced a positive impact. Additionally, the study finds that the Russian-Ukrainian war had a mixed impact on the cryptocurrencies studied, with some experiencing positive impacts (BNB, Dogecoin, Ethereum and Tether) and others experiencing negative impacts (Bitcoin, BUSD, Coin and XRP). Moreover, the author analyzes the spillover effects among the cryptocurrencies and observe significant interdependence during the periods under study.Originality/valueFinally, the study discusses the implications of the findings for investors, policymakers and regulators, highlighting the importance of considering external factors when making investment decisions or designing regulatory frameworks for the cryptocurrency market.

The article aims to prove the hypothesis that the West contributed to the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian military conflict, that its current policy towards the war is an obstacle to a negotiated settlement, and that this policy could lead to a NATO-Russian military conflict. According to the author, the West could certainly have prevented the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian war in three cases: 1. By forcing the implementation of the agreement signed on 21 February 2015 between the Ukrainian President and the leaders of the parliamentary opposition on the formation of a provisional unity government, constitutional reforms and the calling of early elections. 2. By implementing the 2014 and 2015 Minsk agreements aimed at resolving the status of the separatist region of Donbas (Donetsk and Lugansk provinces) and the situation of the Russian minority. 3. By refraining from interfering in the Russian-Ukrainian peace talks held in March-April 2022. The West has missed these opportunities, clearly demonstrating that it has never been in favour of a peaceful settlement of the conflict. The current policy of the West is based on increasing and expanding sanctions against Russia, increasing military and intelligence assistance to Ukraine and fully supporting Ukrainian strikes against key military and infrastructure facilities on Russian territory. However, after three years of war, this policy has not resulted in either the liberation of the occupied Ukrainian territories nor in bringing Russia to its knees, and can lead only to an escalation of the war, the outbreak of the NATO-Russia military conflict and a deepening military cooperation between Russia and China, Russia and North Korea, Russia and Iran. Only the United States can prevent the West from becoming directly involved in the Russia-Ukraine war. The present article is related to previous papers written by the author on the Russian - Ukrainian War: "Doubts About Western Policy on Russo - Ukrainian War" UAI Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences (UAIJAHSS), volume-1 issue-5, Dec 15, 2024, "Two Years after the Outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian War - Narratives of Putin's War in Hungarian Media", Global Journal of Human-Social Science: F Political Science, Volume 24 Issue 3 Version 1.0, May 2024, "Political and Military Lessons of the Russian-Ukrainian War", SCIREA Journal of Sociology, Volume 7, Issue 5, October 2023.

The Russian-Ukrainian war is the focus of the world's attention now. The existence of a war between these two countries has become a lesson for other countries in the world that war might occur in their country. This argument certainly applies to the Indonesian state. Through the Indonesian Navy, Indonesia has a vision of 5 Global Maritime Fulcrum. with a strategy to increase its war fleet and infrastructure. However, a war in Indonesia can still occur because war is not only due to a country's military strength but also its political factors. This study aims to evaluate the geostrategy of the Indonesian Navy's national army through its five pillars reflected in the Russia - Ukraine war. The method used in this research is descriptive evaluative using secondary data. The results of this study state that even though the Indonesian Navy has implemented the geostrategy of the five pillars of the Global Maritime Fulcrum, a war in Indonesia can still occur due to political factors. Political factors were the main cause of the Russia – Ukraine war, where Ukraine wanted to join NATO and endanger Russia. For this reason, the Indonesian government, including the Indonesian Navy, needs to emphasize solving political problems using a diplomatic approach.

Introduction. This article is dedicated to the study of an important phenomenon that has been taking place in Ukraine for what is now approaching a decade. The 2013–14 Revolution of Dignity was quickly followed by Moscow’s annexation of Crimea and then by a war between Russia and Ukraine in the Donbas region. The war greatly impacted various aspects of life in Ukraine in the past eight years including its profound effect on Ukrainian economy. Relevance. The impact of the Russian-Ukrainian war on Ukrainian economy has now, correspondingly, become a subject of scholarly study within different scientific paradigms, including analytical journalism The situation in Ukraine and its influence on the economic situation in Europe and in the world is increasingly analyzed at conferences and in various global academic forums, especially it is highlighted in different kinds of the world media. A thorough reading of the press articles on economics reveals that the above-mentioned topic, and other correlating crucial ones, are approached by the scholars fastidiously, and that they propose meaningful arguments for analyzing various aspects of military events coverage in the media. Methodology. To achieve the goals, a set of interrelated research methods was used, including a critical analysis of current scientific papers on the selected topic, and a synthesis of the main conclusions into a comprehensive system vision. The principal research method is the content analysis of media publications on economic topics. Empirical data were obtained using methods of observation and discourse analysis of examples published in the world’s online media. The comparative method allowed to select units of research and classify them. The systematic approach helped to identify trends in the specifics of information during the Russian-Ukrainian war. With the help of the generalization method, the corresponding conclusions and offers for scientists and practitioners are made. Results. The authors offer a brief but very thorough overview of some of the world’s bestknown analytical media publications (The Economist Business Insider, The New York Times, BBC News Business Reporter, VoxEU, Press Release, OECD Economic Outlook, etc.) with thorough conclusions from economic experts. Conclusions. When this article enters into a dialogue with future academic publications, it will offer a useful look at how the war stimulated the world not only to analyze events in Ukraine, but also to make concrete decisions and actions. Today’s analysis of the nuances of how the Russian-Ukrainian war impacts the world, and the study of various reactions of world organizations and prominent influential people to the adaptation of the world economy in particular in the war in Ukraine, in turn, will affect the scientific fundamental adjustment of relevant theoretical concepts. Thus, the research conducted by the authors can be very valuable for scholars, both in journalism and other spheres, studying the ways of the war impact, especially on economy.

The article deals with the problem of students’ environmental awareness formation under the conditions of contemporary challenges. It is noted that this problem is especially relevant for Ukraine under the conditions of the Russian- Ukrainian war. The Russian occupiers are organizing a terrible genocide of Ukrainians, destroying infrastructure, natural resources, the environment, and creating a threat of chemical and nuclear pollution as a result of shelling of military, industrial infrastructure, and chemical enterprises, warehouses of ammunition, petroleum products, airports, civil facilities, thermal, electrical, and nuclear power plants, including the Chornobyl NPP, etc. The great responsibility for the environment and the future gene pool of the Ukrainian nation rests not only on state structures, but also on teachers, the family, the public, the church and other factors. It is emphasized that the way to environmental awareness lies through effective environmental education, through the environmentalization of students’ consciousness. Therefore, it is time to reorient the content of the education system in the dimension of sustainable development, which involves, first of all, its environmentalization - the development of ecological thinking as a condition for the formation of ecological consciousness of the individual, acquiring of ecological knowledge, formation of ecological behaviour. The theoretical principles of education seekers’ environmental awareness formation through the prism of contemporary challenges are substantiated (the Russian-Ukrainian war and its consequences, environmental crisis phenomena and threats caused by the full-scale invasion of Russia into the territory of Ukraine, the Chornobyl disaster, etc.). Contemporary fiction about Chornobyl as a factor in the formation of environmental consciousness of the individual is analyzed. The Ukrainian and world Chornobyl literature discourse is singled out. It was concluded that works of fiction about Chornobyl are an important pedagogical tool that effectively influences the formation of the environmental consciousness of students, capable of expanding not only their ecological knowledge (the history of the Chornobyl disaster, its causes, consequences, etc.), but also the formation of ecological value attitudes (thrifty to nature) as the basis of the nature-centric character of ecological consciousness. Literary pieces of Chornobyl discourse also help to form ecologically appropriate behaviour (ecocentric type of ecological consciousness), as well as to cultivate a sense of patriotism, national dignity, historical memory, etc.

The article discusses the term “Three Seas Initiative” – a product of the adaptation of the philosophical and geographical category “Intermarium” to the description of Central-Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. The thesis is substantiated that the application of the category “Intermarium” to Central-Eastern and South-Eastern Europe is due not only to the “mental geography” of Polish political thought and the practical needs of Polish geopolitics of the 20th and 21st centuries but also to the objectively existing general characteristics of the region (its buffer status between geopolitical powers of Germany and Russia, the lower level of prosperity of this region compared to Western Europe, its predominantly Slavic character, which repeatedly pushes the implementation of pan-Slavist projects in the Central-Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, the trends in social, in particular, cultural, economic and political, which are observed at least since the late 1980s). It is argued that the project “Three Seas Initiative” by A. Duda is a modern reincarnation of the idea of the Prometheists – “Intermarium”, created between the two world wars on the basis of the Jagiellonian idea of the Early Modern Age. This project arose as an opposition of rightwing conservative, poorer EU members to its left-liberal, rich participants with external support from the Eurosceptic, right-wing populist government of D. Trump in the USA. However, the evolution of the Three Seas Initiative finally led it to institutionalization as one of the cores of integration in the modern European Union at different speeds, with an emphasis on the development of cross-border communication and infrastructure projects in the region with the cooperation of the EU and the USA. It is emphasized that after the start of the Russian- Ukrainian war, the threat of its spread to the territory of the “Three Seas Initiative”, which the EU cannot overcome, forces the members of the initiative to seek direct military support from the United States in exchange for Washington’s support in its opposition to Beijing, an ally of Moscow. “Three Seas Initiative” could be perceived as an activation of the role of the region as one of the outposts of opposition to Chinese influence on the planet. In addition, the Russian- Ukrainian war involuntarily led to the achievement of one of the goals of the Three Seas Initiative - the development of the logistics infrastructure of its participants, due to the need to serve large-scale land and air movements of troops and the functioning of “grain” and humanitarian corridors from the European Union to Ukraine. Also, a full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war caused the resuscitation and development of the military-industrial complex of the Three Seas Initiative countries, its integration within the region and the rest of the EU, as well as with Ukraine, the USA, and South Korea, which gives a chance for high-tech economic growth of the participants of the project.

The ongoing Russian – Ukrainian war followed by the energy crisis that emerged in mid-2022 have sparked concern about the European Union’s security energy security, highlighting that renewable energy must be at the core of European energy policy in the medium and long term. Our paper aims to investigate the main drivers and progresses of renewable energy (RE) development in the European Union (EU) using a quantitative analysis, based on the latest Eurostat data, to show what Member States perform best in the European hierarchy. Our research also aims to highlight the existing opportunities and threats for RE development in the Member States under the green transition goals. Our main finding is that while there are significant progresses toward boosting RE development and use in most Member States, additional national policies focused on incentives and special derogations for investors may be necessary to further develop RE across EU. Our second finding is that, under the current geopolitical framework, RE remains an essential pillar for reducing EU’s dependence on fossil fuels imported from Russian Federation.

The article analyzes the lexical-semantic and functional-stylistic features of the literary and art onomasticon of contemporary poetry about the russian- Ukrainian war. We have revealed the active use of toponyms, among which the most productive are the choronyms Ukraine and russia. It is established that the image of Ukraine appears in two hypostases: on the one hand, it is a beautiful and prosperous state, and on the other hand, it is sad and tragic; writers identify themselves with their homeland, convey their pain and empathy for the difficult fate of the Ukrainian people. It is highlighted that the choronym russia acquires only negative connotations, the hatred of Ukrainians towards the aggressor country keeps growing every day, and the dismissive attitude is conveyed through various graphic images. It has been established that the horrific military actions of the russian military in many Ukrainian cities are reflected in the speech of Ukrainians. Bucha, Kharkiv, Irpin, Izium, Mariupol are names that have become precedent-setting and have gained symbolic meaning with the actualization of such nomens as «suffering», «defiance», and «invincibility». It is emphasized that the writers use the toponymic names Crimea, Donetsk (Donbas), Luhansk, which have changed their semantic load in connection with the russian-Ukrainian war, because before the russian aggression, the East of Ukraine was considered an industrial region, and then – a region of war, death and destruction. It is stated that Ukrainians have created a great number of derogatory anthroponyms for putin, the perpetrator of russia’s armed aggression. The name of the russian president is often used in a negative context of humorous works (jokes and puns). It has been determined that the theonym God helps to convey a sense of excitement and boundless faith in a bright future caused by the bloody russian-Ukrainian war of the twenty-first century. Writers of the Zaporizhzhia region often depict the image of a ravaged Ukraine in which the people are filled with feelings of hopelessness and despair; it is in this context that God is the personification of the last hope. The literary and art onomasticon of the Zaporizhzhia region writers is very diverse from the functional and stylistic point of view and is represented by the following groups of onymes: informational and evaluative, nationally significant, localizational and ideological.

The Russian-Ukrainian war, an unprecedented geopolitical event, has triggered profound and far-reaching consequences for international trade. This paper examines the political effects of the conflict on global trade, with a focus on how political decisions, economic sanctions, and realignments among nations are reshaping trade flows and policies. As major exporters of energy, grain, and essential raw materials, Russia and Ukraine have long been integral to global supply chains. The onset of hostilities has disrupted these chains, resulting in global inflationary pressures, rising food insecurity, and a reevaluation of global economic dependencies. Against this backdrop, the study examined the political effects of the Russian – Ukraine war on international trade. This study adopted the historical and content analysis. It is concerned with an in-depth examination of documented data on the basis of which relevant materials were drawn. This study was anchored on the Geoeconomic Power Theory which provides a robust framework for understanding the political effects of the Russian-Ukrainian war on international trade by emphasizing the strategic use of economic tools such as sanctions, trade shifts, and market control, as a primary instrument of geopolitical influence. The data collected for this study was synthesize and analyzed using trend analysis techniques. This study revealed that disruption of supply chains, rising commodity prices, changes in trade relationships, economic consequences, agricultural markets and food security, reorientation of global trade, international trade and sanctions and energy market dynamics were the major impacts of the Russian-Ukrainian war on global trade flows. This study found that sanctions reshape trade dynamics, reconfigure partnerships, drive covert economies, and impact long-term global trade structures. The study also showed that the most significant impacts of long-term consequences of the Russian-Ukrainian war on international trade policies were shift from globalization to regionalization, rise of economic blocs and fragmentation, impact on global supply chains and resource security, growth of alternative financial and payment systems, sanctions as a tool of foreign policy, challenges to multilateral trade governance and emergence of resilience and self-sufficiency policies. This study concluded that the political effects of the Russian-Ukrainian war serve as a critical reminder of the intricate interplay between politics and trade. Finally, this study recommended among others that global policy-makers should develop a real-time trade monitoring system that tracks fluctuations in trade volumes and routes affected by the Russian-Ukrainian war. This system should leverage advanced data analytics to identify and predict shifts in global trade flows, enabling businesses to respond proactively to emerging trends.