Truth-making, slavery and advertising in early Anglo-American newspapering: Publick Occurrences and the Boston News-Letter

A Spirituality of the Commons: Where Religion and Marxism Meet

The aim of this article is to analyze the relationship between psychoanalysis and Marxism on the basis of two historical examples at the beginning of the 20th century in the Soviet Union and Germany. These examples are chosen because of socio-political events with long-lasting consequences in which a reference to psychoanalysis emerged as a necessary counterpart of social diagnosis. While Marxism was officially seen as a tool of social change in the Soviet Union, with the rise of fascism in Germany Marxism became both a target of repression and a critical tool of opposition. It will be shown that in both countries psychoanalysis was seen as an important tool whose destiny was shaped by goals set up by political power structures. Therefore, the position of psychoanalysis in these countries underwent dramatic changes. The article asks whether from these historical examples we can draw some lessons for dealing with the contemporary crisis. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The article is devoted to the analysis of nonclassical and paradoxical aspects of modern mathematics that emerge in situations where conventional logical and arithmetic principles cease to be applicable. A range of conceptual issues is examined, including indeterminate forms, infinite power structures, comparisons of expressions involving exponentiation, and the phenomenology of infinite sets illustrated through Hilbert’s “infinite hotel” paradox. Particular attention is given to methodological approaches for handling divergent series. The study highlights the fundamental differences between finite and infinite operations: upon transitioning to the infinite case, intuitive rules of elementary arithmetic lose their validity, creating “points of rupture” at which new mathematical structures arise. Drawing on historical examples – from Euler and Riemann to Ramanujan and Hilbert – the article demonstrates that the emergence of such contradictions does not undermine the mathematical system; rather, it stimulates the development of novel methods, concepts, and models of reality. The article argues that engagement with the “impossible” constitutes one of the key mechanisms driving the evolution of mathematical thought.

Unlike art thieves, who do not fit a specific criminal profile, art forgers largely do. The vast majority of those who have been found out adhere to a very narrow description, particularly when it comes to their origin story and initial motivation to turn to forgery. This chapter describes this profile, drawing on numerous historical examples of famous forgers to show the remarkable consistency in their biographies. It further describes how a focus on regular forensic testing of objects on the art market would be the best way to curb forgery, since almost no known forgers have bothered to create fraudulent artworks that would fool forensic tests. The fact that the art trade tends to over-rely on connoisseurship and provenance gives the advantage to the forgers, who need to pass off a good story and a reasonably good-looking work of art but one which does not need to do the "heavy lifting" of standing up to scientific tests.

That “Bulky Commodity, Tobacco”

Dealing with early twentieth-century Black literature more broadly, Korey Garibaldi considers how racial segregation in twentieth-century American society and print culture has informed and undermined numerous achievements made possible by the digital turn in the humanities in “Desegregating the Digital Turn in American Literary History.” As just one valuable yet under-examined historical example, literary interracialism in the early twentieth century could offer digital humanities (DH) practitioners countless generative cases studies for considering when and where racial lines and related categories blur in the digitized past. Despite numerous problems and setbacks, there were countless experiments with literary pluralism in the forms of writing and working across racial divides in the first three decades of the twentieth century. By investigating the roots, dismantling, and re-emergence of segregation in literary culture—as well as shifts in how persons of Black African descent were racialized—Garibaldi offers a valuable case study for contextualizing the need for inclusive DH designs and professional collaborations.

This chapter examines three popular novels: Mrs. Humphry Ward's Robert Elsmere (1888), Charles Sheldon's In His Steps: What Would Jesus Do? (1897), and Winston Churchill's Inside of the Cup (1913). Sometimes called the “Third Great Awakening,” the Social Gospel was a response by liberal Protestants to the problems caused by industrialization, massive immigration, and urbanization. All three novels discussed in this chapter were self-consciously about print culture, making clear that founding the kingdom of God here on earth depended on making appropriate use of books and literacy. The chapter looks at historical examples of how the novels inspired readers to take social action. It suggests that the novels illustrate how the right kind of reading and writing invariably moves readers to work for social justice, while the wrong kinds are either strictly academic or blatantly commercial.

Background. In recent years, price fluctuations have increasingly affected the socio-economic stability of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, especially under conditions of global turbulence and sanctions pressure. The aim of the study is to identify mechanisms capable of mitigating inflationary pressure and stabilizing regional economies. Materials and methods. The study employs an integrated approach combining economic analysis, historical parallels, and critical evaluation of current regulatory measures. Results. The paper analyzes the impact of inflation on key sectors of regional economies, examines historical examples (including those from the 1990s), and assesses anti-crisis tools applied at the regional level. Special attention is paid to regional specifics, such as differences in economic structure, dependency on the federal center, and the population's social sensitivity. Conclusions. The effectiveness of responses to crisis processes largely depends on the coherence of fiscal and social policies, regional openness to innovation, and the flexibility of administrative decision-making. The article may be of interest to anti-crisis strategy developers, public administration bodies, and scholars studying regional resilience mechanisms under inflationary shocks.

Despite strong interest in the role of institutions; methods of operation, underlying political forces and their precise nature are still misunderstood. Partial analysis of specific aspects of public interventions simplified historical examples, or rough cross-country relationships tend to be the main guides to policy recommendations. Along with four in-depth country studies, published in companion volumes, Institutional Challenges at the Early Stages of Development gives a thorough review of the experiences of South Korea and Taiwan, offering a new perspective for identifying critical institutional issues. Including those related to state-business relations and the economic structure, and its transformation, analytical tools and concept are provided to help diagnose important hurdles at the early stage of a country's development. This title is also available as Open Access.

The projections of 89 scenarios from 12 different models for the CO2 emissions of China to 2030 are reviewed, along with wider examinations of lessons from the history of energy forecasting in OECD countries, and of the Chinese macroeconomic situation.Even by 2030, emissions in the scenarios span a factor of almost 2.5, indicating significant range and uncertainty. Statistical analysis of Kaya components suggests the carbon intensity of energy supply to be the strongest determining factor. However, most scenarios assume that industry1 continues to account for more than 50% of total final energy demand. This is in contrast both to historical examples, which have consistently shown economies shifting from energy-intensive industrial bases to service-based structures as income per capita rises, and to recent Chinese policy statements, which reflect a similar ambition. It is also highly salient that major failures in energy and emissions projections can frequently be accounted for in retrospect by failures to anticipate such major economic structural shifts.In conclusion, while the future trajectory of Chinese emissions remains profoundly uncertain, the potential for a significant Chinese macroeconomic transition and its implications for the scale and structure of energy demand will be a crucial factor, to which energy-climate models must pay far more attention.Policy relevanceThe dramatic growth of Chinese emissions since 2000 has become a major factor in global emission prospects and the international political agenda. Many models project rapid continued emissions growth, but an apparent halt in Chinese emissions in 2014 has amplified debate. Projections and policy need to recognise fundamental uncertainties in emission prospects, because in addition to energy/climate-specific policies, they depend on the progress in Chinese macroeconomic reforms, which are poorly represented in the models we survey. Global projections, the international process, and the design of China's own policies (most obviously, its national cap-and-trade system) need to cope with the possibility of continued growth to peaking in 2030 (the central commitment in China's Intended Nationally Determined Contribution), but must also be prepared to exploit and encourage the possibilities of low-carbon development and much earlier peaking.

Corruption, a pervasive and insidious phenomenon, has plagued societies throughout history, transcending geographical, cultural, and political boundaries. This article delves deep into the roots of corruption, tracing its origins,evolution, and enduring impact on individuals, institutions, and nations. By examining historical examples from ancient civilizations to modern democracies, we aim to shed light on the complex nature of corruption, its causes, and the strategies employed to combat this formidable challenge. Through this comprehensive analysis, we seek to foster a better understanding of corruption and its far-reaching consequences on social, economic, and political structures.

This article critiques decoloniality theory, including its use of the notion of epistemic colonisation, from an animal perspective. It has two main parts. Part one is an internal critique of decoloniality theory. It introduces and comments on core decoloniality theory concepts and argues that, according to its assumptions, animals are illegitimately omitted from decoloniality theory. By excluding animals, decoloniality theory has not been consistently applied and is in that way anthropocentric. Part two is a reflexive critique of decoloniality theory. It starts by arguing that animals such as cattle are experiencers and knowers, with their own sensory and emotional experiences, and their own memories and ways of learning and knowing. Adopting decoloniality theory concepts such as the colonial matrix of power (CMP) and epistemic colonisation for the sake of argument, part two invokes historical examples of pre-colonial cattle’s ways of knowing, how coloniality repudiated cattle as experiential knowers, and how the CMP affected cattle by subjugating them into colonial economic and governance structures. This article concludes that by not recognising animals as experiential knowers impacted by epistemic colonisation, decoloniality theory is, with respect to animals, complicit in the coloniality of knowledge to which it seeks to respond.

This study aims to examine, within a multilayered theoretical framework, the theatre of Restoration-era England as represented in the film The Libertine (2005), directed by Laurence Dunmore. Adapted from the eponymous stage play (1994) by Stephen Jeffreys, this cinematic work foregrounds the life story of John Wilmot, 2nd Earl of Rochester, an intellectually and literarily provocative figure, and reveals how theatre functioned as a space of cultural, aesthetic, and political contestation in seventeenth-century England. The film not only portrays Wilmot’s individual moral decline and hedonistic lifestyle but also exposes the discursive functions of theatre in relation to structures of power and the mechanisms of public representation and ideological domination. Following the reopening of English theatres after the Restoration, particularly within the royal patronage of court theatres, an aesthetic climate emerged in which moral boundaries were transgressed and theatrical space became infused with eroticism, satire, and political critique. In this context, The Libertine dramatically illustrates how theatre could be appropriated both as an instrument for the ideological reproduction of hegemonic authority and as a subversive arena for the testing of expressive freedom. A striking example of this tension can be seen in Wilmot’s theatrical production, which, though initially commissioned by King Charles II and subsequently transformed into a satirical attack on the throne, is presented not merely as a personal act of literary defiance but as a historical example of how theatre could influence public consciousness while simultaneously confronting mechanisms of censorship. Thus, The Libertine configures the stage as a space of confrontation and reckoning, where social, sexual, and political tensions converge, thereby inviting a renewed critical engagement with the dramaturgy of the Restoration period. Through the character of Elizabeth Barry, the film interrogates the representation of women on stage, examining how female bodies are positioned within a patriarchal economy of spectatorship and how they are simultaneously rendered both as objects of desire and as emergent subjects through the act of performance. Barry’s transition to the stage is explored not merely as an aspect of her acting career but as a symbolic process of transformation tied to questions of public visibility, gendered performance, and the construction of female subjectivity in the Restoration theatre. The interplay between bodily exhibition, theatrical renderings of moral decay, and the transformative power of performance art constitutes one of the film’s core dramatic concerns.

Reviewed by: Why White Liberals Fail: Race and Southern Politics by Anthony J. Badger Daniel K. Williams Why White Liberals Fail: Race and Southern Politics. By Anthony J. Badger. (Cambridge, Mass., and London: Harvard University Press, 2022. Pp. x, 242. $27.95, ISBN 978-0-674-24234-0.) For much of the mid-twentieth century, white liberal politicians in the South appeared to have a chance. Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas and Albert Gore Sr. of Tennessee won U.S. Senate races in the 1950s with campaigns that advocated strongly for social welfare spending, and Jimmy Carter of Georgia and Bill Clinton of Arkansas won gubernatorial elections in the 1970s thanks to a biracial coalition that favored increased aid to education. But today there are almost no white southern liberals in Congress or statehouses. States such as Tennessee that were once represented in the Senate by moderate liberals now have all-Republican Senate delegations that are strongly supportive of Donald Trump’s brand of politics. What happened to white southern liberalism? Why did white southern liberals fail to change the political culture of their region—and ultimately fail to [End Page 393] win elections? One might think that the answer is race—and Anthony J. Badger agrees. But it is not merely the case, he argues, that white voters rejected liberal politicians because the liberal politicians were too racially progressive for regional norms. Rather, he says, white liberals were too moderate on race to offer a convincing alternative to conservatism in the South. In the 1930s and 1940s, all white southern liberals—even the most ardent supporters of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal—were segregationists. Some wanted to increase economic aid to the African American community, but none wanted the federal government to intervene on matters of race relations. But southern white liberals’ hopes of transforming their region economically without addressing racial discrimination were dashed when the U.S. Supreme Court made desegregation a national issue with Brown v. Board of Education (1954)—a move that prompted a southern backlash that endangered southern white liberalism. The African American civil rights movement also caught white southern liberals off guard, and they gave it almost no support. Despite this failure of the first generation of postwar southern white liberals, a new generation of moderately progressive southern Democrats, including Carter and Clinton, were elected in the 1970s on the promise of economic uplift through education spending and partnerships with business. Yet even though these new southern moderates were more supportive of civil rights, they made the same mistake as their predecessors, believing that they could promote economic uplift without challenging structural racism. For a while, white southerners who enjoyed the benefits of postwar federal and corporate economic investment in their region were sympathetic to this vision, but in the mid-1990s, as globalization and deindustrialization left the rural South impoverished, white southerners turned against these moderate liberals. Their opposition to liberalism has only increased in the intervening decades. White southern liberals staked their political future on the premise that liberal economic policies could deliver economic uplift to their region without challenging the white racist power structure. When that promise failed, white voters turned against them, and Black voters (who had never appreciated white liberals’ refusal to confront the problem of systemic racism) decided that they could find better advocates elsewhere. But Badger is not optimistic that today’s Black liberals can win many statewide elections in the South either; white opposition is too strong. Badger does not offer much political advice for the future, and he does not suggest that a different strategy could have necessarily led to a better outcome. He is critical of white southern liberals’ attempts to avoid addressing racial issues, but he is also mindful of the challenging situation they faced. Perhaps this book’s refusal to settle for easy answers is one of its key strengths. Badger’s analysis, which he supports with numerous historical examples drawn from his half-century of studying twentieth-century southern politics, is nuanced and thoughtful. Readers will probably find the book’s conclusions compelling, albeit unsettling. [End Page 394] Daniel K. Williams University of West Georgia Copyright © 2023 Southern...

<i>Background: </i>Although protectionist trade policies are usually analysed from an economic perspective, their broader effects on democratic governance are less explored. Historical examples, from the Smoot-Hawley Act of 1930 to modern trade disputes, show that tariff-led economic nationalism goes beyond market regulation, notably affecting institutional power structures and democratic accountability mechanisms.<i> Objective: </i>This study examines how protectionist trade policies impact economic freedom, individual liberty, and democratic institutions by analysing the political economy mechanisms through which tariffs influence government actions. We specifically explore whether the adoption of tariffs consistently leads to executive overreach while also placing regressive economic burdens on citizens.<i> Methods and Main Ideas: </i>We employ a comprehensive mixed-methods approach, combining econometric analysis of U.S. trade data (2000-2020) with qualitative case studies of historical tariff incidents and institutional analysis of democratic indicators. Our theoretical framework incorporates Hayek's theory of market distortion, Lockean principles of liberty, and Dahl's model of polyarchy to identify causal links between tariff revenue and changes in institutional power. We examine three interconnected pathways: the erosion of economic freedom resulting from market distortions, restrictions on individual liberty stemming from regressive consumption effects, and the suppression of democratic expression due to the expansion of executive authority.<i> Results: </i>Our econometric analysis indicates that tariff regimes with an average of 20% reduce GDP by between 0.23% and 0.57% annually (p<0.01). The prices of goods subject to tariffs increase by 10.3 percentage points more than those of untariffed goods (p<0.001). Notably, households with lower incomes experience greater welfare losses than those with higher incomes, losing 2.1% of their income compared to 0.6%. Regarding democratic effects, executive agencies that collect tariff revenue see their budgets rise by 14.3%, whereas other agencies only see a 3.7% increase (p<0.01). Additionally, congressional oversight hearings declined by 23% following executive tariff actions. During periods of high tariffs, the Freedom House Press Freedom Index decreases by 2.8 points over three years (p<0.05). Moreover, 60% of trade policy journalists report self-censoring due to pressure from regulators.<i> Conclusions: </i>This study demonstrates that protectionist policies foster self-sustaining cycles of democratic decline by enabling executive expansion, funded by tariff revenues, which systematically suppresses dissent while imposing regressive economic burdens. Policy options focused on innovation lead to better outcomes in both economic (10-year GDP impact: +20.2% versus -6.0%) and democratic spheres. They generate 5.6 times more jobs per pound while maintaining institutional balance. These findings highlight the need for a comprehensive reassessment of trade policy evaluation frameworks, emphasising that economic nationalism carries substantial democratic costs that go beyond traditional economic inefficiencies.