Türkiye and Kosovar Turks

Many ethnic minorities are at dramatically increased risk of developing type 2 diabetes (T2D) and tackling the complex network of mutually reinforcing barriers to better care often proves remarkably difficult. Yet investment in culturally appropriate initiatives for T2D is often only a few pence per head a year. Mark Greener explores why addressing T2D in ethnic minorities depends on a paradigm shift in care towards supporting self-management and fostering personal responsibility. The UK is remarkably ethnically and culturally diverse. According to the 2011 Census, around a fifth of people in England and Wales regard themselves as belonging to an ethnic group other than white British. Almost 1-in-23 were ‘other white’, 1-in-40 were Indian, 1-in-50 Pakistani and 1-in-250 Arabic, for example. Many of these ethnic minorities are at dramatically increased risk of developing T2D. Tackling T2D in the UK's diverse ethnic minorities can prove remarkably difficult, underscored by the ongoing demand for culturally sensitive information. Krishna Sarda, Diabetes UK's Engaging Communities Manager, explains that the charity receives 500–600 requests a month for translated information from members of relatively new communities in the UK, for example in Polish. Around 1300–1500 requests come from members of longer-established communities in the UK, including for information translated into Urdu and Bengali. Yet investment in culturally appropriate initiatives for T2D by clinical commissioning groups (CCGs) is, Krishna notes, often only a few pence per head a year. A complex network of mutually reinforcing barriers – including biological, cultural and socioeconomic – underlies the increased risk of T2D among ethnic minorities. South Asians show, for example, greater insulin resistance than Caucasians, after allowing for body mass indices and proportions of total body fat, as well as earlier impairments of beta-cell function. South Asians also typically show more visceral fat deposition, even as infants.1 The UK SABRE study showed that differences in truncal fat and visceral adipose tissue may contribute to the increased T2D risk among South Asian and African Caribbean people aged 40–69 years compared to white Europeans. The association was especially strong in women.2 In addition, a typical South Asian meal contains more calories and carbohydrate than a European meal.1 Krishna called for increased awareness of foods that are high in salt, fats and sugars. ‘People may not appreciate how unhealthy some traditional foods are,’ he says. Linguistic problems and a reluctance to access health care present additional barriers, remarks Debbie Hicks, a Nurse Consultant who heads an intermediate care service for Enfield Community Services, Barnet, Enfield & Haringey Mental Health Trust – an ethnically diverse part of north London. ‘We have people in my area, for example from the Turkish community, who have been in the UK for 20 or 30 years, but who don't speak English,’ Debbie told Practical Diabetes. ‘I recently saw one lady who'd been here since the early 1960s and had no English. Her daughter attended to translate for her. We employ interpreters, of course, and many of these translate the messages very well. In some cases, there seems to be a short-lived benefit from translating health promotion and consultations, but I'm not sure that it has a lasting effect.’ Debbie added that, in her experience, many people from ethnic minorities seem to have a ‘fatalistic’ attitude towards diabetes. ‘Typically, people from ethnic minorities don't access health care as much as white Europeans. Even if they initially see a health care professional, they often don't attend the follow up appointments,’ she says. Krishna agrees, noting that many people from ethnic minorities don't collect or take their prescription. Against this background, in 2009 Debbie's service invested £20 000, supported by a pharmaceutical company, in an attempt to improve engagement with the Turkish community. Debbie's team set up an information stand in a major shopping area to raise awareness about diabetes. People were asked to complete a short questionnaire to determine their risk of diabetes. High-risk people were signposted into a nearby Superdrug store for a health check. ‘I don't feel this was money well spent,’ she admits. ‘It didn't seem to change anything.’ Another recent public health initiative aimed to reach the Turkish and Somali communities by providing culturally-sensitive educational sessions by working with community leaders. Debbie's team held sessions at times that allowed Somali people to attend – such as after Friday prayers – and sessions specifically for Turkish people. Information was translated by Somali speaking and Turkish speaking health educators. ‘Again, it didn't seem to work,’ she remarks. ‘We had 80 places available on the sessions. Just 11 people booked in, but only about three or four turned up. We need a different approach.’ Fundamentally, Debbie remarks, the failure arises because tackling T2D in ethnic minorities means overturning entrenched cultural and societal traditions, attitudes and behaviours. ‘I'm generalising of course,’ she says, ‘but the Turkish community is very male dominated. Men traditionally tend to drink a lot of sweet tea and smoke. Older Turkish men, in particular, would not consider increased activity a priority. Furthermore, in a community with traditional gender roles, you need to inform the wives and daughters, who typically buy and prepare food. If you don't, they will just continue to prepare the unhealthy food their men want.’ Krishna argues that determining the demographics of ethnic minorities locally is the first step to addressing these issues. ‘Once you have the intelligence, once you understand the demographic pattern, you can create services that meet local needs,’ he remarks. Krishna's team at Diabetes UK draws on several statistical sources – including census and immigration data – to gain a thorough insight into and understanding of the UK's diverse ethnicities. From this, they develop the charity's services tailored to specific local needs. Such insights also help CCGs develop initiatives that change behaviour despite entrenched cultural, linguistic and other barriers. ‘We recognise that managing type 2 diabetes depends on changing behaviour,’ Krishna says. ‘Diabetes UK's growing number of Community Champions are already playing a positive role in shifting attitudes and helping people from ethnic minorities to manage their diabetes effectively.’ Diabetes UK's Community Champ-ions learn about culturally-specific risk factors, symptoms, myths and misconceptions surrounding T2D. Following training, the Champions, who are often health workers and community leaders, raise awareness in their communities by holding events, giving talks – for example, during festivals or religious services – and encouraging people at high risk to visit their GP or community pharmacist for a diabetes test. ‘You can't just provide some translated leaflets and hope behaviour changes. It just doesn't work like that,’ Krishna says. ‘You need long-term targeted engagement.’ ‘It's a real challenge to understand the issues,’ Debbie agrees. ‘You need people from inside the culture, who really understand the issues, to provide education and support on a regular basis,’ she says. In response, her service has successfully provided educational sessions for Asian women in a ‘protected environment’. ‘Our Community Champions have the skills to drive cultural change,’ Krishna adds. ‘They can help people from ethnic minorities develop the self-efficacy, confidence and motivation to make the changes needed to tackle their risk of developing type 2 or to help them successfully manage their condition.’ ‘Many people from ethnic minorities do not appreciate the seriousness of type 2 diabetes,’ Krishna adds. ‘They may not appreciate the impact their lifestyle has on their blood glucose levels. They often don't realise that poor blood glucose control can lead to devastating complications in diabetes including blindness, kidney disease and amputation. We need to emphasise that diabetes is a serious and complex condition that, left undiagnosed or poorly treated, can lead to devastating complications.’ Unfortunately, relatively few studies assess culturally-targeted interventions. A Cochrane review3 reported that ‘culturally appropriate health education’ produces ‘short- to medium-term effects on glycaemic control and on knowledge of diabetes and healthy lifestyles’. For example, glycaemic control improved after culturally appropriate health education at three and six months (mean reductions in HbA1c of 0.4% and 0.5% respectively) compared with usual care. The improvement in glycaemic control persisted, albeit at a lower extent, at 12 and 24 months (mean reductions 0.2% and 0.3% respectively). Long-term, standardised, multi-centre, randomised controlled studies need ‘to compare different types and intensities of culturally appropriate health education within defined ethnic minority groups’.3 ‘There are plenty of successful examples and “successful failures” that haven't made a difference, but have taught us a lot,’ Krishna remarks about the current evidence base. ‘Nevertheless, little investment has been put into collecting real world evidence of what works and what doesn't work. But we have no option but to go with the evidence we have.’ In addition to further research, Krishna would like to see a central ‘knowledge hub’ to help spread best practice. He notes that much of the information regarding improved care for migrants with T2D is fragmented. A single source would provide information health care professionals can use if, for example, translating a document is not cost-effective for a local health economy. Indeed, the level of investment in initiatives to address the needs of ethnic minority patients who are at high risk of developing T2D or already living with the condition is often low. It is not always clear how much CCGs spend treating diabetes. But based on those who place a figure on the service, Krishna reports that the current investment in community interventions for T2D within ethnic minorities is between 25p and £1.75 per head. ‘One CCG has told me that there is no more money for these initiatives and we are just two months into the financial year,’ he notes. Against this background, Diabetes UK's demographic modelling helps CCGs allocate resources appropriately. ‘You can't have a meaningful conversation about investment until you have hard information about needs,’ Krishna says. ‘At Diabetes UK, we are more than happy to provide the information that health care professionals and commissioners require. I would be delighted if I was flooded with enquiries.’ ‘We need to shift the paradigm,’ Krishna concludes. ‘For too long the debate focused on education and what health care professionals could do for ethnic minorities. But while these are critical elements of type 2 diabetes care, we need to do more than just provide information or prescribe drugs. We also need to encourage and support individuals to take personal responsibility and manage their condition effectively. Health care professionals should identify agents of change within each culture who can help to shift the debate to put greater focus on patients managing their condition well, and the appropriate support must be in place to help people across communities to achieve this.’

This article calls into question the essentialist assumption that often underlies our use of contemporary ethnic labels in structuring discussions of the historical dimension in anthropology. Drawing on historical documentation and oral traditions, it explores variation in the content of ethnic style and the permeability of ethnic boundaries for an ethnolinguistically complex area of west-central Ghana. It concludes that meaningful discussion of the temporal dimension hinges on our ability to overcome uniformitarian assumptions linking ethnic labels and style and to recognize that the use of labels outside their specific temporal contexts may constrain rather than promote our understanding of the diachronic dimension. Anthropology has recently witnessed the readmission of history as an important element in the study of culture (Wolf 1982; Sahlins 1983, 1985; Roseberry 1989). Whereas earlier synchronic studies of African societies focused on boundedness and social stability, historically oriented analyses manifest new emphases on intergroup connections and the flexibility of social practice. As a result, cultural identity in Africa is increasingly viewed as mutable and as strategy, rather than as the product of primordial endowment (Royce 1982; O'Brien 1986: 898-99; Schultz 1984; Wright 1985; Kopytoff 1987; Lamphear 1988; Atkinson 1989). There is growing recognition that reification of cultural boundaries has masked the networks that connected groups (Howard and Skinner 1984; Sharpe 1986). Further, we recognize that the development of our focus on boundedness in anthropological inquiry is linked to a specific period in European history that stressed the importance of national identity (Trigger 1978: 75-95; Kuklick 1984; Kopytoff 1987: 4). Ethnohistory 38:3 (Summer 1991). Copyright ? by the American Society for Ethnohistory. ccc 0014-I80I/91/$I.50. This content downloaded from 207.46.13.114 on Thu, 26 May 2016 06:56:45 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Ethnic Style and Ethnic Boundaries in West-Central Ghana 251 These diverse studies point to the need to place specific cultural units in both time and space; however, contextualization requires that we move beyond a simple projection of ethnic labels and boundaries back in time. It is increasingly clear that the content of ethnic identity, the symbols and values that are a focal point for group cohesiveness, may vary significantly through time (McCaskie 1983a, 1986). The challenge is to overcome the perhaps unintentional uniformitarian implications associated with using contemporary ethnic labels in historical reconstruction, and to move toward an exploration of variability in ethnic style in specific temporal contexts.1 This article presents an ethnohistorical perspective on the variability of ethnic content and boundaries in the linguistically diverse Banda Traditional Area of west-central Ghana. The analysis attempts to explore temporal change in ethnic style, locate this variability in historical context, and identify mechanisms that contributed to processes of assimilation and acculturation in this traditional nonurban setting.2 An introduction to the Banda area is followed by a discussion of contemporary ethnic styles. A brief overview of the historical dimension provides the background against which to consider variability in the ethnic style of one group, the Nafana.3 Subsequent sections explore the impact of hegemonic polities on ethnic style and the implications for ethnic boundaries through time. The Banda Traditional Area The Banda Traditional Area is nestled within a range of high hills that rise dramatically out of a low, rolling landscape directly south of the Black Volta River bend (Fig. I). Banda is a rural area under savanna woodland vegetation, located immediately north of the forest-savanna boundary. The proximity of Banda to the forest and to gold and other resources contributed to its strategic position in relation to ancient north-south trade routes. The former entrep6t of Bighu (Begho), just south of present-day Banda (Fig. z), represented the southern terminus of the caravan trade that linked the area to trans-Saharan exchange networks (Bravmann and Mathewson 1970; Posnansky 1973, 1979; Wilks 1982; Wilks et al. 1986). Susceptibility of pack animals to trypanosomiasis made the tsetse-infested forests south of Bighu impenetrable to caravans; Bighu, therefore, represented the point of articulation between human and animal portage. The strategic position of Banda relative to trade routes is reflected in the tumultuous history of the area and is undoubtedly linked to the considerable ethnic and linguistic diversity witnessed there today (Goody 1964: 193-94; I966: I8; Wilks 1961: 3). This diversity is subsumed within This content downloaded from 207.46.13.114 on Thu, 26 May 2016 06:56:45 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Previous research has demonstrated that ethnic communities try to maintain ethnic boundaries through group pressure to conform to premigration cultural patterns, which mainly happens indirectly through social control. So far however, little attention has been given to how group members respond to this indirect ethnic conformity pressure, as well as to the factors that shape these responses. Drawing on in-depth interviews with second- and third-generation Turkish Belgians, we examine and explain different responses to ethnic conformity pressure and link these to ethno-cultural change and boundary change. We distinguish three negotiation strategies, namely conformity, creativity and disregard, and find that the choice for a particular strategy is first and foremost shaped by the agent’s gender, their embeddedness in the Turkish community, and the availability of an alternative support network, both of which are shaped by exclusion in the larger society. In addition, also the severity of the norm violation, the social structure of the community and parental expectations play a role. Findings are interpreted in terms of ethnic boundary dynamics, and implications for ethno-cultural change are discussed.

The purpose of the article. The paper describes the contemporary vocal pedagogical repertoire from the standpoint of its representativeness in relation to musical trends of the 20th – early 21st century. The methodology is based on a combination of historical, cultural, systemic, analytical, predictive methods, which made it possible to demonstrate the limited educational repertoire of vocalists, respectively, with didactic tasks and potential openness to expand its genre and style palette in connection with the need to train a universal academic singer. The scientific novelty of the paper lies in the fact that in Ukrainian science for the first time the problematic issues of the content of the pedagogical repertoire of academic vocalists in the context of the genre and style diversity of vocal music of the 20th – early 21st centuries were revealed. Conclusions. The contemporary pedagogical repertoire used in the preparation of academic vocalists does not reflect the stylistic and genre diversity of the musical art of the 20th – early 21st centuries, in particular, it does not contain avant-garde compositions, which have long been a constant of contemporary musical culture. Practical acquaintance with avant-garde classics is possible as part of an elective for those vocalists who plan to specialize in this direction of academic music, however, the pedagogical repertoire of training an academic vocalist does not provide for the performance of works of an avant-garde character and the acquisition of appropriate skills. The reasons for the inexpediency of including avant-garde music of the 20th – early 21st century in the main educational repertoire is the absence of a temporal distance, not always a high artistic level of contemporary works, the impossibility of including contemporary vocal music of an avant-garde character in the anthology due to the peculiarities of its notation and forms of existence, as well as the priority for the educational process of the classical vocal repertoire as such that forms the vocalist’s executive apparatus. At the same time, Ukrainian variety classics of the 20th century is an integral part of the educational repertoire of a contemporary academic vocalist, as it serves as a bridge between elite and popular musical culture.

This study examines the social organization of the Turkish community in Montréal and its influence on language use. The Montréal Turkish community has been growing since the 1960s as a result of various waves of migration. Bilge (2004) explained the fragmented structure of the community through ethnicity (Turks, Kurds and Armenians). However, conservative movements have grown stronger in the last two decades in Turkey and recent socio-politic changes are mostly based on religion rather than ethnicity. I anticipate that these sociological changes in Turkey have an impact on the organization of the Turkish community in Montréal and that I can observe the social identity of the members of the Turkish community in Montréal through lexical variation. To verify this prediction, I used a dual methodology: participant observation and analysis of the words used by participants to describe the structure of the Montréal Turkish community, the group to which they feel they belong, and other groups. The ethnographic study confirms that conflicts triggered by the socio-political structure and national ideology in the country of origin are determining factors in the organization of the Montréal Turkish community. Montréal Turks form an immigrant community divided into at least two communities of practice, traditionalist and progressive, each with its own socialization sites and its own discourse/style.

The article analyzes scientific works devoted to the traditions of patriotic education in Ukrainian schools of the second half of the 20th – early 21st centuries. The leading tendencies of this process are determined on the basis of studying the publications in the press of that time, manuals and monographs of scientists-teachers. The conducted logical-historical analysis of the scientific problem gave grounds to state that patriotic education in Ukrainian schools in the second half of the 20th – early 21st centuries has not been the subject of a separate comprehensive research. Despite the interest of scientists in some issues of retrospective experience of patriotic education in the schools of Ukraine in the second half of the 20th – early 21st centuries, in scientific research on this issue within these chronological limits either highlighted some aspects of organizational nature or conducted extensive research on the theory and practice of educational work. The analyzed scientific works on the traditions of patriotic education in Ukraine give grounds to conclude that there is no comprehensive systematic study of the theory and practice of patriotic education in Ukrainian schools during the second half of the 20th – early 21st centuries. The analysis of these works suggests that the formation of a new man was considered by the classics of Marxism-Leninism as one of the main tasks of building a new society, and international and patriotic education was an important component of this process. It was found that the scientific works of the Soviet period, devoted to the educational process in general and patriotic education in particular, are important because they contain significant factual material and allow to characterize the socio-political and pedagogical contexts of the problem. At the same time, the expressed ideas are distinguished by bias, connection with Marxist-Leninist ideology, lack of objective assessment of pre-Soviet pedagogy and foreign pedagogical theory and practice, as well as the state and prospects of patriotic education in the Soviet state. The historiographical analysis made it possible to substantiate the theoretical and methodological principles of research (educational concepts, directions, types and principles of patriotic education, features of the organization and methods of its implementation in schools of Ukraine). It was found that the content, forms and methods of patriotic education of students have undergone transformations under the influence of socio-political, cultural and socio-pedagogical factors. The conducted research does not exhaust all aspects of the researched problem and testifies to the necessity of further elaboration of the issue of patriotic education of Ukrainian schoolchildren in the period of independence.

The article analyzes slang humorous and ironic phraseological units of the late 20th - early 21st century in the linguistic, cognitive and cultural aspects, containing direct or indirect nominations of socially significant realities in their internal form. The purpose of the work is to identify the sources and semantics of these idioms. The material of the study was 262 phraseological units identified in special dictionaries of the late 20th - early 21st century, as well as in the author's personal file cabinet. On the basis of a complex methodology, including modern semantic, functional-stylistic, linguo-cognitive and linguo-culturological methods of analyzing language units, thematic groups of socially significant phenomena reflected in the internal form of idioms were identified; their semantics is analyzed, as well as some features of the picture of the world of slang carriers of the late 20th - early 21st century. It is noted that lexemes and precedent texts related to domestic socio-political, ideological and cultural realities of the Soviet era become the main source of playfully ironic phraseological units. It is emphasized that the basic property of the semantics of phraseological units is their anthropocentricity - with an emphasis on physiology and negative personal and social properties of a person. It is concluded that jokingly ironic slang phraseological units reflect the everyday picture of the world of the "average" Russian city dweller of the late 20th - early 21st century.

The projected temporal evolution in the interannual variability of East Asian summer rainfall in the 21st century is investigated here, by analyzing the simulated results of 18 coupled models under the 20th century climate experiment and scenario A1B. The multi-model ensemble (MME) mean projects two prominent changes in the interannual variability of East Asian summer rainfall in the 21st century under scenario A1B. The first change occurs around the 2030s, with a small change before and a large increase afterward. The intensity of the interannual variability increases up to approximately 0.53 mm/d in the 2070s, representing an increase of approximately 30% relative to the early 21st century. The second change happens around the 2070s, with a decrease afterward. By the end of the 21st century, the increase is approximately 12% relative to the early 21st century. The interannual variability of two circulation factors, the western North Pacific subtropical high (WNPSH) and the East Asian upper-tropospheric jet (EAJ), are also projected to exhibit two prominent changes around the 2030s and 2070 under scenario A1B, with consistent increases and decreases afterward, respectively. The MME result also projects two prominent changes in the interannual variability of water vapor transported to East Asia at 850 hPa, which occurs separately around the 2040s and 2070s, with a persistent increase and decrease afterward. Meanwhile, the precipitable water interannual variability over East Asia and the western North Pacific is projected to exhibit two prominent enhancements around the 2030s and 2060s and an increase from 0.1 kg/m2 in the early 21st century to 0.5 kg/m2 at the end of the 21st century, implying a continuous intensification in the interannual variability of the potential precipitation. Otherwise, the intensities of the three factors’ (except EAJ) interannual variability are all projected to be stronger at the end of the 21st century than that in the early period. These studies indicate that the change of interannual variability of the East Asian summer rainfall is caused by the variability of both the dynamic and thermodynamic variables under scenario A1B. In the early and middle 21st century, both factors lead to an intensified interannual variability of rainfall, whereas the dynamic factors weaken the interannual variability, and the thermodynamic factor intensifies the interannual variability in the late period.

In this paper, we aim to study how young people navigate a super-diverse majority-minority context, and how they negotiate bright religious and ethnic symbolic boundaries. Our study is based on 40 in-depth interviews with young people from various ethnic, social and religious backgrounds in the super-diverse city of Antwerp. Our analysis shows that young people generally draw on a cultural repertoire of commonplace diversity to navigate various peer relations and present diversity as a normal element of everyday life. However, our analysis also shows how ethnic minority youth experience bright ethnic and religious boundaries and need to navigate social exclusion processes. While minority youth rework bright boundaries by inverting their othered position and redefining coolness through a repertoire of ethnic hybridity, white majority youth face new challenges as their previously taken-for-granted dominant position becomes questioned and contested within a super-diverse setting. Our analysis shows how white majority youth manage their changing social position by drawing upon cultural repertoires of ethnic purity and ‘normal’ youthfulness, yet this also raises the question of whether they can draw on cultural repertoires, which do not imply nativist white identity politics.

This article investigates an ethnically mixed, nonterritorial community centered around a rabbi of Moroccan origin. Through exploring the unusual stages of this rabbi's sanctification and of the establishment of the community itself, the idiosyncratic combination of traditional North African Jewish elements and Ashkenazi Hassidic elements creates a syncretism that is prominent for the veneration of saints, which serves the rabbi as an instrument for legitimizing his own status and as a way of consolidating his congregation. The source of the community's attraction, as well as its rabbi's charisma, lies in its liminal, socially ambiguous status and location, and transcendence of ethnic and cultural boundaries.(1) (Moroccan veneration of saints, Hassidism, liminality, ethnic boundaries, Moroccan Hassidism) On a torrid Sabbath in June 1992, while driving in the Galilee, I chanced upon a row of cars on the narrow road leading to the tomb of the prophet Habakuk. Thus began a year's study of Chavrei Habakuk (the Habakuk Congregation). This accidental entrance into the field began most inauspiciously: at the height of the Sabbath, I intruded by car on a congregation of Orthodox Jews, and compounded the sacrilege by entering the sacred precinct around the grave bareheaded and dressed disrespectfully in short sleeves, short pants, and sandals. About twenty men immediately surrounded me, demanding vociferously that I leave the site. Some suspected me of being a journalist assigned to spy on them and on a government minister spending the Sabbath with them; others came to my defense and tried to calm tempers. Before I could turn back, the rabbi heading the congregation approached. A handsome and courtly man, gentle and well spoken, he rescued me from the pressing crowd. Grasping that my arrival had been quite innocent and without sinister intentions, he invited me to join him in entering a large tent erected near the tomb. Within, at long, set tables, sat a group of people whose heterogeneity was evident at first glance: most were dressed in elegant suits and black hats, but some were in jeans, T-shirts, and yarmulkes. Others wore traditional Moroccan garb, and among them sat wearing long silk coats (kapotot) and fur shtreimels (hats worn by Hassidim on the Sabbath and holidays). The rabbi announced that I had clearly been sent and my arrival was no accident; instantly, people who moments earlier had been trying to evict me smiled, made room, and apologized for their behavior. The hilluloth (memorial feasts; sing, hillulah) and pilgrimages to saints' graves are the key to understanding the community itself and its leader. The rabbi is of Moroccan origin and is perceived by his adherents as a saint. The community's initial members were Moroccan Jews (today, more than half the members are Moroccan Jews and the vast majority are of North African and Arab origin). Therefore, the hilluloth and pilgrimages, and the rabbi himself, should be examined within the framework of the veneration of Moroccan Jewish saints in Israel. In some of Chavrei Habakuk's hilluloth and pilgrimages to saints' graves there are divergences or innovations relative to the patterns of saint veneration customary among North African Jews living in Israel. The rabbi himself embodies simultaneously images of Moroccan saints and Ashkenazi Hassidic rabbis. He created the Chavrei Habakuk community, and thereby a new phenomenon in Israel: Moroccan Hassidism. PILGRIMAGES IN JUDAISM Pilgrimage is a paradigmatic and paradoxical human quest, both outward and inward, a movement toward ideals known but not achieved at home. As such, pilgrimage is an image for the search for fulfillment of all people inhabiting an imperfect world (Morinis 1992a:ix-x). In Judaism, the concept of pilgrimage dates from the First Temple, when Israelites traveled to the Temple thrice yearly to celebrate Passover, Pentecost, and Tabernacles. …

We show the results of a study investigating the predominant role of external forcing in steering Atlantic and Pacific ocean variability during the latter half of the 20th (and early 21st) century. By employing the PCMCI+ causal discovery method, we analyze reanalysis data, pacemaker simulations, and a CMIP6 pre-industrial control run. The results reveal a gradual (multi)decadal change in the interactions between major modes of Atlantic and Pacific interannual climate variability from 1950 to 2014. A sliding window analysis identifies a diminishing El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) effect on the adjacent Atlantic basin through the tropical route, coinciding with the North Atlantic trending toward and maintaining an anomalously warm state after the mid-1980s. In reanalysis, this is accompanied by the prevalence of an extra-tropical pathway connecting ENSO to the tropical Atlantic. Meanwhile, causal networks from reanalysis and pacemaker simulations indicate that increased external forcing might have contributed to strengthening ENSO’s opposite sign response to tropical Atlantic variability during the 1990s and early 21st century, where warming tropical Atlantic sea surface temperatures induced La Niña-like easterly winds in the equatorial Pacific. The analysis of the pre-industrial control run underscores that modes of natural climate variability in the Atlantic and Pacific influence each other also without anthropogenic forcing. Modulation of these interactions by the long-term states of both basins is observed. This work demonstrates the potential of causal discovery for a deeper understanding of mechanisms driving changes in regional and global climate variability. Karmouche, S., Galytska, E., Meehl, G.A., Runge, J.,Weigel, K.,& Eyring,V. (2023b, in review). Changing effects of external forcing on Atlantic-Pacific interactions. EGUsphere, 2023, 1–36. https://doi.org/10.5194/egusphere-2023-18

The Politics of Passing in Zainichi Cultural Production Christina Yi (bio) and Jonathan Glade (bio) Though the literal translation of Zainichi would be something along the lines of "residing in Japan," the term, as most commonly used today, designates something much more specific: ethnic Koreans who can trace their roots in Japan back to the colonial period (1910–1945). Zainichi, therefore, denotes not only a particular group of people residing in Japan but also certain historical and social conditions that have shaped their experiences in Japan. This special issue aims to deepen our understanding of those conditions and the ways in which Zainichi experiences have been represented in literature and film. In order to accomplish this task, we have relied upon the lens of passing. Zainichi Koreans are the largest diasporic community in Japan, and their writings comprise a diverse literary corpus.1 [End Page 235] It can be argued, however, that passing—i.e., the social and legal processes through which ethnic Korean minorities pass for Japanese—constitutes a central problematic in Zainichi literature and film, whether it is explicitly articulated as such or not. That is, because passing is not necessarily a transgression but the "default condition" imposed upon ethnic minorities by Japanese society, literary and filmic representations of that passing can be both ubiquitous and invisible.2 Zainichi cultural production should be viewed as a node of interconnection, linking various discourses and bodies of literature, rather than occupying a space at the margins of a "national" Japanese or Korean culture. The lens of passing allows us to emphasize these intersections while also addressing and contributing to broader understandings of the construction of difference. Scholarship on passing has tended to focus on problematic racial relations historically entrenched in North American contexts, resulting in the theorization of passing as racialized performativity. Since Zainichi Koreans represent a case where ethnic difference does not necessarily coincide with racialized difference, rethinking passing through a study of Zainichi cultural production allows us to consider different forms of (linguistic, ethnic, textual) politics and theorize the complex relations of race, ethnicity, and gender from a global perspective. [End Page 236] With that said, the studies grouped together here do not represent a comprehensive examination of passing in Zainichi literature and film; indeed, they only scratch the surface of this ubiquitous theme. Our aim, then, is to simultaneously center Zainichi cultural production in the intersections of the fields of Japanese and Korean studies and within theories of passing. Addressing the fraught problem of passing in Zainichi cultural production requires, at times, unconventional approaches that move beyond established chronological, geographical, and ethnic boundaries. For, as the contributions to this issue illustrate, representations of passing in Zainichi literature and film subvert and deny the conventional understandings of ethnicity, agency, and authenticity that have dominated popular discourse in Japan. The articles in this issue expand the scope of Zainichi studies in three key ways: they bridge the "August 1945 divide" by connecting postwar cultural production to earlier historical events and representations of passing; they venture outside the geopolitical space of Japan to incorporate another location of Zainichi invisibility: South Korea; and they address the broader social context by looking at connections with the theme of passing in the work of other ethnic minorities in Japan. In Japan, passing cannot be understood apart from the workings of the koseki (household registry) and tsūmei (passing name). We therefore begin the next section by sketching out some of the intersections of the koseki and tsūmei. We then examine the varied manifestations of passing in Zainichi literature and film, focusing in particular on the Japanese-language essay "I Am a Korean" (Watashi wa Chōsenjin, 1977).3 Lastly, we situate the articles in this special issue within the overall theme of passing and highlight the innovative approaches they employ to further our understanding of Zainichi cultural production. [End Page 237] Understanding the Practice of Passing in Japan In her introduction to the influential essay collection Passing and the Fictions of Identity, Elaine K. Ginsberg conceptualizes passing as follows: [Passing] is about identities: their creation or imposition, their adoption or rejection, their accompanying rewards or penalties. Passing is also about the boundaries...

Drawing with eyes closed and other non-visual art practices in the late 20th – early 21st centuries clearly resonate with the avant-garde critique of rational vision and the post-war tradition of overcoming collective trauma. Being affected by current personal or geopolitical events, contemporary artists are often ready to close their eyes. This paper aims at tracing the origins of non-visual techniques in the art of the early 21st century, as well as at comparing them with the methods of the Dada, Surrealists, Futurists, and other experiment groups of the early 20th century. Let us trace how drawing reveals a connection with tactility and bodily interaction in different periods, how blind and automatic drawing becomes a method of exploring a non-obvious, deferred meaning. These practices allow multiple interpretations of the art work and such polysemy becomes a part of the artistic statement — there can be no certainty about what exactly we see and how we relate to it. The article provides examples of different artistic strategies for using blindness as a creative method in the late 20th – early 21st centuries, when rethinking of traditional creative techniques, among other things, leads to the rejection of visual control and dominance of one sensory channel.

The article deals with the problem of language neologization on the example of suffixal verbal neologisms that appeared in the late 20th – early 21st centuries. The process of neologization occurs in a language with varying degrees of intensity in different language periods. In the late 20th – early 21st centuries, the language is replenished with a large number of neologisms due to extralinguistic factors – significant changes taking place in society. Dictionaries of neologisms were taken as research material: “Explanatory dictionary of the Russian language in the late 20th century: language changes”, a three-volume dictionary-reference book on press and literature materials of the 1990s of the 20th century “New words and meanings”, dictionary materials “New in the Russian vocabulary” 2015–2022, “Dictionary of the internet language.ru”. The process of forming new verbs in the period under review is quite active. Neological suffixal verbal vocabulary is represented by word-forming neologisms, which are based on the Russian-language stems, on borrowings already assimilated by the Russian language, as well as on words that came directly from the English language. At the turn of the millennium, the vocabulary was most often replenished by verbs of the functional-semantic field of activity and behavior. A characteristic feature of the Russian language in the late 20th – early 21st centuries is the formation of suffixal verbal neologisms from proper names: both Russian and foreign ones. In addition, the article shows that new suffixal formations enter word-production relations, thereby becoming a productive base for prefixed verbs of various modifications, as well as relations of homonymy and word-formation variation.

The availability of natural resources has always been one of the most important aspects of international relations, which have historically developed as a system of interconnections between different countries. However, there is a problem of natural resource scarcity in the world, thus, it is necessary to understand how markets influence national policies and how states can intervene and regulate the balance of natural resources and energy markets, which is the relevance of the study. The purpose of the study is to determine the impact of natural resources on the development of international relations in the 20th – early 21st centuries. To achieve this purpose, the study uses general scientific and special methods: historical, synchronous and diachronic, logical, analysis and synthesis, generalisation and quantitative comparison, scientific abstraction, and comparative analysis. The study established that the United States of America, South America and the Middle East had significant reserves of oil, natural gas, coal and precious metals. In addition, as noted, at the end of the 20th century, the issue of energy security was increasingly used to define international energy policy, and at the beginning of the 21st century, energy became one of the important aspects of geopolitics and an instrument of geopolitical competition. The consolidation of economic interests realised through the exploitation of natural resources is becoming the foundation for conflicts between different countries seeking to dominate the global resource market. It is established that the policy of the United States of America in the Middle East was based on an attempt to control natural resources, and in South America - on supporting its national interests. The practical significance of the study allows exploring key issues in international relations for an in-depth understanding of the balance of geopolitical forces in the 20th – early 21st centuries