Transparency of the Polish Government Structure in the Network Perspective

The impact can vary significantly for audiences outside the direct reach of domestic media—those who may not receive the same content as citizens residing within the country. This discrepancy becomes particularly evident during times of crisis and political turmoil when media strategies must be tailored to reach external audiences and achieve specific goals effectively. Therefore, the core issue addressed in this study revolves around a fundamental question: How can media effectively support and enhance political participation among expatriates during parliamentary elections? Grounded in Democratic Participatory Theory, which advocates for media prioritizing public interests and democratic engagement through pluralism, local interaction, and equitable access to information, the study aims to explore this question. The research employs a questionnaire to investigate the effectiveness of media campaigns in encouraging Egyptian expatriates to participate in parliamentary elections. The findings suggest that these campaigns have a limited impact on motivating expatriates to engage politically. Keywords: Parliamentary Elections, Egyptian Expatriates, Electoral Campaigns, Media.

Борис Иванович Колоницкий – доктор исторических наук, профессор, Европейский университет в Санкт-Петербурге; ведущий научный сотрудник, Санкт-Петербургский институт истории ФНИСЦ РАН. Адрес: 191187, Санкт-Петербург, Гагаринская ул., д. 6/1а. E-mail: kolon@eu.spb.ru
 Мария Георгиевна Мацкевич – кандидат социологических наук, старший научный сотрудник, Социологический институт ФНИСЦ РАН. Адрес: 190005, Санкт-Петербург, 7-ая Красноармейская ул., д. 25/14. E-mail: m.matskevich@socinst.ru
 Цитирование: Колоницкий Б.И., Мацкевич М.Г. (2018) Дескарализация революции и антиреволюционный консенсус в современной России: юбилей 2017 года и его политическое использование/неиспользование // Мир России. Т. 27. № 4. С. 78–101. DOI: 10.17323/1811-038X-2018-27-4-78-101
 Авторы статьи рассматривают вопрос о соотношении российской символической политики и общественного мнения в год юбилея российской революции 2017 года, используя исследовательский подход case study. Результаты опросов общественного мнения и других источников позволяют сделать вывод о том, что столетие революции не стало важным событием года. Основные участники политического процесса – представители власти и те общественные силы, которые от власти дистанцируются, – незначительно использовали ресурс юбилея. Наряду с прочими причинами это было связано и с малым интересом граждан России к этому историческому событию. Важным фактором, влияющим на современный политический процесс, в том числе на политику памяти, является антиреволюционный консенсус: хотя отношение жителей России к событиям 1917 года и к современной политической ситуации существенно отличается, абсолютное большинство отрицают революцию как возможный сценарий развития страны. Это обстоятельство также оказало влияние и на деятельность различных акторов – политиков и писателей, режиссеров кино, общественных деятелей. Антиреволюционный консенсус ограничивает репертуар протестных действий, не позволяя опираться на российскую революционную политическую традицию.

From a historical perspective, the Nordic region has been considered a highly conflictual space. The numerous wars between the kingdoms of Denmark and Sweden can be compared only to the rivalries between England and France, and, to a lesser extent, between England and Scotland. Since the beginning of the nineteenth century, however, disputes between the Nordic countries have undergone a radical transformation. Rather than intensifying and escalating in violence, the region became characterised by the construction of various political and social mechanisms, ultimately resulting in the establishment of a stable peace. If the region had previously been marked by a high level of violence, from the nineteenth century onwards it became defined by a growing emphasis on peace and mutual trust. The nineteenth century thus emerged as a pivotal period for understanding this social transformation, with the kingdoms of Sweden and Denmark as the main political actors – primarily due to their historical capacity to mobilise for war. This article seeks to explore the extent to which the consolidation of the Swedish state throughout the nineteenth century both impacted and was impacted by the strengthening of a Nordic civilisational ideal, thereby contributing to the pacification of the region. The analysis is informed by Arnold Toynbee’s conception of civilisations as units of historical analysis and Norbert Elias’s theory of the “civilising process”, in order to examine the interdependent relationship between the formation of a Nordic civilisation (or community) and the development of the Swedish state. Based on a methodology grounded in global historical sociology, this article seeks to substantiate the argument that the pacification of Swedish society must be understood in conjunction with the pacification of the Nordic region. These national and regional (or civilisational) formation processes occur concurrently, exerting mutual influence on one another.

This special issue chronicles and explains the whirlwind of national politics and elections in Ukraine, Poland, and Hungary from the fall of Communism to the present. The foci are the main political actors: parties, candidates, and parliamentarians. The larger context is the electoral laws, party systems, and social structures in which they operate. All authors in this special issue rely on the East European Parliamentarian and Candidate (EAST PaC) data that contain the universe of candidates who stood for national parliamentary elections from the 1990s to the 2010s. EAST PaC data are free to the public, available in Poland’s Social Data Archive (Archiwum Danych Społecznych). Articles in this issue spotlight electoral politics across nations and time, with a focus on countries recently undergoing great political turns.

The article reveals the essence of the process of Europeanization of education in Ukraine. It examines the concept of «Europeanization», analyzes the mechanisms of Europeanization («vertical» and «horizontal» Europeanization), the main political actors of Europeanization (the Council of Europe and the EU). The typology of ‘Europeanization’ is applied within four broad categories: as an historical process; as a matter of cultural diffusion, as a process of institutional adaptation; and as the adaptation of policy and policy processes. The article studies the mechanisms of Europeanization which are basically differentiated between ‘vertical’ and ‘horizontal’ Europeanization. Vertical mechanisms demarcate the European level where policy is defined (mainly European Union and the Council of Europe) and the domestic level, where policy is implemented. Horizontal mechanisms involve a different form of adjustment to Europe based on the market or on patterns of socialization.Europeanization is connected with the European dimension in national arenas of politics and policies: common policies (tariff union, competition regulations of the common market, monetary policy, trade) and of shared competence (social policy, agriculture etc.).In the article the main political actors in education policy - Council of Europe and EU - are analysed. The Council is determined by three fundamental democratic values: human rights, pluralist democracy and the rule of law. Themes of the Council’s activities in education have focused on five areas: education policies and reforms, education for democratic citizenship, modern languages, history teaching. The European dimension includes the following issues: European identity and European citizenship; student mobility, school links and exchanges; non-formal education; intercultural education; interfaith dialogue, in-service teacher training.An overview about four broad phases in an economic and social context is presented: 1957–1971 – ‘Pre-History’ of Education and Training; 1971–1992 – the Foundation Years for Cooperation in Education; 1992-2000 - the Emergence of the Concepts of Lifelong Learning and KnowledgeBased Society; 2000-2006 - the Lisbon Strategy for 2010 and Lifelong Learning.The eight competences are identified which include: communication in the mother tongue; communication in foreign languages; basic competences in maths, science and technology; digital competence; learning to learn; interpersonal, intercultural and social competences, and civic competence; entrepreneurship; and cultural expression. The last part of the article is about education for sustainable development. It looks at the perspective of the EU through meeting the needs of the present generation without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their needs.

Arboreal Politics in the <i>Knight's Tale</i>

Customer complaints data are usually expressed as counts for a period of time and are governed by a Poisson process. This process is stationary when the number of complaints is constant, while a change in these numbers would indicate a potential change in the product performance. In this paper we describe an approach for establishing the maximum tolerance level for the number of complaints received within a month. Tolerance level is based on a relatively stable period of time when the Poisson process is stationary. A change-point analysis is performed to the complaints data that exhibit large changes to partition the relatively stable period from the problematic period. Examples that illustrate this approach are provided.

Electoral politics and regional variation in socio‐economic conditions of individuals receive huge interest in countries with sizable political tension. Even though Turkey has undergone a combination of periods of economic success and a period of economic and political turmoil, it has been governed by a single political party during the last two decades—Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (AKP)— Justice and Development Party. This paper examines the determinants of the variation in regional vote shares of AKP between the 2002 and 2018 parliamentary elections using panel data estimation method—effects—which allows us to account for time invariant region‐specific unobserved fixed effects. Our findings demonstrate that inflation, unemployment, per capita GDP growth, provision of healthcare, industrial sector growth rates, change in the ageing of the population and rate of absenteeism (voter turnout) are essential factors in voters' decisions. Our additional results reveal that the effects of socio‐economic factors on the AKP vote shares were distinctly different for the AKP stronghold provinces and the eastern regions that are mostly populated with Kurdish, suggesting that ideological position of the voters also play an essential role in voters' response to the changes in socio‐economic conditions.

The neuropathogenesis of human immunodeficiency virus type 1 (HIV-1) infection can be divided into three stages with regard to the blood–brain barrier (BBB). The first phase is characterized by an early invasion of the brain by HIV-1 followed by a clinically relatively long stable period of time in which the BBB is unaffected. The second phase is clinically manifested by the occurrence of HIV-associated dementia (HAD) whereby the BBB is immune-activated allowing facilitated infiltration of monocyte/macrophages (M/M) into the central nervous system (CNS). This phase can last from a few months to years. The third phase is the end-stage of HAD and is characterized by a massive infiltration of M/M into the CNS through a damaged BBB.

T78. CMAP scan and scanning EMG in the same muscle: Two cases with post-polio muscular atrophy

Patterns of marihuana smoking among Brazilian students

The Brazilian economy at 2000 decade goes through a stable period of time, between 2000 and 2008. This situation has allowed corporations to elaborate some middle term and long term strategies, and to put them into practice, many times in a successful way. As a result, there was the corporations value increment, not only of physical resources, but also of brand value. The brand became a resource not to be despised. Revisions on Visual Identity Systems have happened more frequently, with renew of old Visual Identities and, in some cases, with the change of the corporations name. In this work is intended to analyze the Visual Identify after the revision process, according to Norberto Chaves methodology and his fourteen parameters of high performance for symbols and logotypes. The research is based on the ten most valuable Brazilian brands, according to Interbrands 2007 evaluation.

Family Formation and the Home

This article explores how illiberal forces are structuring in Georgia and what this evolution reveals about the weakness of Georgia’s democratic institutions and liberal values. The analysis starts with a discussion of how political polarization creates the context for illiberal groups to undermine democracy. Drawing on theoretical and empirical inquiry, I suggest the causal mechanism of how weak democratic institutions enable the emergence of illiberal groups through a personalized party system. Then, I address the lack of genuine democratic commitment on the part of Georgia’s main political actors. Further, I probe for the movements that are gradually changing the grassroots dynamics by promoting conservative values, and their ties to Russia. The concluding section discusses the politicization of gender issues and the polarization of political space as two concomitant trends that frustrate the search for democratic consensus in Georgia.

The Normative Turn in European Union Studies: Legitimacy, Identity and Democracy