Tra corte, casa e monastero La vita di una donna nel Giappone del Medioevo

The article draws attention to the fact that the phenomenon of marginality is the formation of one's own environment, although not completely dissolving into it. Traditional culture goes into the "basements" of society or manifests itself in the life and mentality of marginals. In a society affected by crisis, several cultural trajectories collide: descending, ascending and, for the marginalized, breaking traditional ties and creating their own, completely different world. In fact, marginality is the third culture, a special socio-cultural state. The article discusses its corresponding components. The prerequisites of global transformation are considered. The situation in Europe begins to change fundamentally at the turn of the I-II millennia. The formation of the era of European Transformation can begin with the XI-XIII centuries, when "Catholic" Europe appears. Phenomenal in its results was the "Renaissance of the XII century", the first truly pan-European Revival at the origins of the era of Transformation. With this, the movement towards a High Renaissance began. The Crusades (XI-XIII centuries) are particularly highlighted. After the Crusades, two variants of capitalism become promising and predominant in Europe and North America, and then their slow convergence continues. The XIII century became a milestone for contemporaries. On the one hand, Europe, it would seem, reached the end of history by creating some kind of optimal model. On the other hand, the reverse side of the idea of the "end of history" became clearly visible. The Mongols, having captured most of Eurasia, reformatted the ethno-political space. In this century, capitalist Europe is born, in fact, as a special development option. Highlighting the era of transformation does not mean that we should abandon the usual division of European history into known periods: antiquity, the Middle Ages, modern times. This periodization successfully emphasizes social and economic aspects and provides a chronological understanding of transitional processes. The era of Transformation is more voluminous, since we are talking about the transition from a centuries-old traditional society to a new stage of human development. Neither the Renaissance nor the Reformation created a new culture, the so-called bourgeois culture will have many faces, both international and national. The main thing is seen in the liberation of man from the former powerful civilizational model, Latin-Christian, i.e. Imperial-ecclesiastical, and ultimately - in the formation of a new type of man.

This study explored how patriarchal customs influence womens land ownership and inheritance among the Galo tribe in West Siang, Arunachal Pradesh. Land in Galo society is more than just an economic asset; it represents lineage, identity, and belonging. Yet, the prevailing patrilineal inheritance and patrilocal residence systems place land rights squarely in male hands, effectively excluding daughters from inheritance.Using a mixed-method approach, data from around 150 adult respondents and interviews with women, elders, and leaders revealed that none of the women inherited ancestral land. Only a small portion (2%) received land as parental gifts, typically newly acquired land rather than ancestral property, while the overwhelming majority (98%) purchased land themselves. This shows not only how customary norms exclude women but also how determined women are to secure economic independence despite systemic barriers.Decision-making remains dominated by male elders in the customary village council (keba), reinforcing the exclusion of women. Although legal provisions exist to guarantee equal inheritance rights, these rights remain mostly theoretical, overshadowed by the prevailing customary system.The women interviewed expressed a range of emotions from acceptance to frustration, hope, and agency. This study explored how patriarchal customs influence womens land ownership and inheritance among the Galo tribe in West Siang, Arunachal Pradesh. Land in Galo society is more than just an economic asset; it represents lineage, identity, and belonging. Yet, the prevailing patrilineal inheritance and patrilocal residence systems place land rights squarely in male hands, effectively excluding daughters from inheritance.Using a mixed-method approach, data from around 150 adult respondents and interviews with women, elders, and leaders revealed that none of the women inherited ancestral land. Only a small portion (2%) received land as parental gifts, typically newly acquired land rather than ancestral property, while the overwhelming majority (98%) purchased land themselves. This shows not only how customary norms exclude women but also how determined women are to secure economic independence despite systemic barriers.Decision-making remains dominated by male elders in the customary village council (keba), reinforcing the exclusion of women. Although legal provisions exist to guarantee equal inheritance rights, these rights remain mostly theoretical, overshadowed by the prevailing customary system.The women interviewed expressed a range of emotions from acceptance to frustration, hope, and agency.

Despite the fact that over half of the Japanese population are women, until recently the social conditions of Japanese women have been underrepresented and largely unexamined in the literature of Japanese studies. The rise of feminism outside and inside Japan, however, has sensitized observers to gender stratification in Japanese society and directed their attention to a wide range of questions. In what ways are Japanese women subjected to a Japan-specific system of gender control? What kinds of gender barriers exist in Japan's labor market? How is female sexuality regulated in Japan? How are women disadvantaged in the Japanese family structure? This chapter examines these issues as the most fundamental problems of stratification, arguably more pivotal than other forms of inequality in contemporary Japan. Specifically, we will examine the patriarchal family registration system, which is embedded in gender relations and the family system in Japan, the women's employment situation in the labor market, the issues of sexuality and reproduction, marriage and divorce, and various types of family life.

Despite the fact that over half of the Japanese population are women, until recently the social conditions of Japanese women have been underrepresented and largely unexamined in the literature of Japanese studies. The rise of feminism outside and inside Japan, however, has sensitized observers to gender stratification in Japanese society and directed their attention to a wide range of questions. In what ways are Japanese women subjected to a Japan-specific system of gender control? What kinds of gender barriers exist in Japan's labor market? How is female sexuality regulated in Japan? How are women disadvantaged in the Japanese family structure? This chapter examines these issues as the most fundamental problems of stratification, arguably more pivotal than other forms of inequality in contemporary Japan. Specifically, we will examine the patriarchal family registration system, which is embedded in gender relations and the family system in Japan, women's employment situation in the labor market, the issues of sexuality and reproduction, marriage and divorce, and various types of family life. The Family Registration System and Ie Ideology Beneath Japan's gender relations and family system lies an elaborate system of registration which penetrates into the life of every Japanese and controls it in a fundamental way. The koseki (family registration) system is the cornerstone of the scheme, representing the usually veiled ura aspect of Japanese family structure. The basic unit of koseki is not an individual, but a household.

The Batak Toba community in Indonesia, traditionally governed by a patrilineal kinship system, has historically excluded women from inheritance rights. This deeply ingrained custom has perpetuated gender inequality within the community. However, the landscape of inheritance law has undergone significant transformation due to the influence of national legislation and landmark court rulings. This study explores the dynamic evolution of inheritance practices among the Batak Toba, tracing the shift from a patriarchal tradition to a more equitable system that recognizes the rights of women. This research employs a qualitative approach, combining legal analysis with empirical data gathered through interviews and case studies within the Batak Toba community. The study examines customary laws, national legislation, and judicial decisions to understand the legal framework governing inheritance. Additionally, it delves into the lived experiences of individuals within the community to capture the social and cultural dimensions of inheritance practices. The findings reveal a gradual but significant shift in inheritance practices among the Batak Toba. While the patrilineal tradition remains influential, there is growing recognition of women's inheritance rights. This change is attributed to several factors, including increased education, economic empowerment of women, and greater awareness of gender equality principles. The study also highlights the role of legal reforms and judicial activism in challenging discriminatory customary laws and promoting a more inclusive approach to inheritance. The evolution of inheritance law in the Batak Toba community reflects a broader societal transformation towards gender equity. While challenges persist, the study underscores the importance of continued legal reforms, community engagement, and education to ensure the full realization of women's inheritance rights. The findings offer valuable insights for policymakers, legal practitioners, and community leaders working towards a more just and equitable society.

This paper investigates the hypothesis that women are underrepresented in leadership roles due to a lower ability to influence others. By comparing societies that differ in the inheritance rights of men and women, we trace the origins of such difference. The results of a public good game with third party punishment indicate that in patriarchal societies there are persistent gender differences in social influence while in matrilineal societies these differences are smaller. While in the patriarchal society sanctioning behavior is not different across genders, cooperation is lower in groups with a female monitor than a male monitor. In contrast, in the matrilineal society male monitors sanction more often than female monitors, though cooperation does not depend on the gender of the monitor.

This article aims to examine the position of adopted children, determine the position of adopted children's inheritance rights, as well as the application of the distribution of inheritance for adopted children in Customary Law and Compilation of Islamic Law in Kudus Regency. The method used is qualitative with a comparative approach. The results showed that the teachings of Islam did not deny the existence of adopted children as far as giving welfare and education to children. The position of adopted children in customary law is influenced by the family or family system. Their position from one region to another varies. In the case of the application of the distribution of inheritance for adopted children in adat law in Kudus District, several provisions of customary law state that the portion of adopted children is equated with the portion of biological children (if there is inheritance rights), or through the will of their adopted parents. While the application of Islamic Law Compilation in the distribution of inheritance in Kudus Regency also regulates <em>wasiat wajibah</em>, a will determined by law even though the person concerned does not inherit it.

The suppression of women's inheritance rights, particularly prevalent in rural areas of Pakistan, reflects a societal dominance by males. Often framed as an emblem of gender inequality within Islam, the practice of women receiving half the inheritance share compared to men is a subject of controversy. This study aims to provide nuanced arguments and rationale supporting the practice within the context of Islamic law. Contrary to perceptions of discrimination, the study contends that the apparent gender bias stems from a failure to effectively implement Islamic inheritance laws in the community. Emphasizing women's inheritance rights as crucial for their socioeconomic and political empowerment, the research explores the range of choices available to women and the challenges they encounter in exercising these options autonomously. The study particularly delves into the urban and rural areas of Sindh, shedding light on the prevalent lack of awareness among women regarding their inherited rights as per Islamic principles and Pakistani law. Taking an ontological stance in its interpretive faculty and adopting an epistemological perspective aligned with social constructionism, the study identifies several socio-cultural factors influencing women's choices. These factors include the patriarchal system, misinterpretation of religious teachings, lack of awareness, restrictive legal systems, and limited educational opportunities. In response to these challenges, the study recommends initiatives to promote awareness of the legal avenues available to women for asserting their inheritance rights. It also underscores the critical role of female education in empowering women to make informed choices. By addressing these issues, the study advocates for a more equitable implementation of Islamic inheritance laws, aligning societal practices with the intended principles of gender equality inherent in both Shariah law and the Constitution of Pakistan.

Middle Eastern cinema has received increasing attention in academia for its cultural and gendered narratives, but family systems' emotional architecture in such films has received little attention. Filling this gap in the literature, this research applies Murray Bowen’s Family Systems Theory to examine intergenerational emotional processes in Wadjda (2012), the first feature film by a Saudi woman. In this study, I utilized qualitative, doctrinal methodology and applied deductive scene-based codes from Bowen’s eight constructs, which focused primarily on emotional differentiation, triangulation, projection, and societal emotional process. Findings suggest Wadjda’s resistance extends beyond a symbolic or superficial act of defiance, whereby she is able navigate maternal fusion, paternal absence, and societal constraints through her emotional processes associated with features of agency, autonomy and relational clarity. In social and familial systems, her portrait of agency exemplified systemically embedded agency that serves as a form of supported emotion-regulated defiance. By drawing on cultural and feminist film analysis with Bowen’s clinical theory, I challenged traditional perceptions of social family systems, providing a different lens to view emotionally supportive family systems as active sites of gendered negotiation. The contribution from this study extends family systems theory beyond a therapeutic sense, offering another approach to understand how emotionally enabled dynamics provide resistance in patriarchal societies. Specifically, it became apparent that depictions of agency in patriarchal cultures through an emotional systems framework may provide a deeper analysis of resistance than only through a symbolic critique.

The paper is aimed at identifying and ranking different types of violence against women (VAW) in states of Delhi and Haryana in Northern India. Examples of gender-specific violence were selected through an extensive review of the literature. The types of VAW reviewed include the lower economic value of daughters at birth (females being considered a liability rather than an asset), rampant female feticides aided by proliferation of often illegal prenatal diagnoses, maternal morbidity, and mortality rates, physical and emotional abuse and neglect of female children, “honour” killing of women, exclusion and deprivation of women from medical treatment and nutrition, their subjection to assaults and rape (including marital rape), insufficient compliance to women’s legal rights of inheritance, arranging early marriages of girls, dowry deaths, female sexual harassment, and intimidation in community and workplace, female trafficking and prostitution, and so forth. The conceptual frame of reference used for the study was provided by the culturally sanctioned legitimation of the patriarchal system of Indian family as well as by people’s perceptions and attitudes. Data were collected through the survey method in two phases. A preliminary survey was conducted during the first phase for developing the questionnaire items to be used for data collection in the phase two of the study. The findings of the study are presented and reveal participants’ rankings of selected types of VAW by degree of relative importance. Data, based on secondary sources as well as a non-random sample of respondents, were analysed to assess the various areas which demand immediate redress. We also interpret data based on selected criteria and suggest few optimistic future trends in regard to addressing and preventing VAW.

This chapter deals with the most widely discussed and hotly debated aspect of traditional Hindu widowhood: sati, that is, the practice of a Hindu widow committing suicide by ascending her husband’s funeral pyre. The chapter outlines how the views of Hindu jurists changed on this topic. Specifically, it shows that sati was originally a royal custom; that Brahmins came to adopt it during the second half of the first millennium CE; that there was initially an intense debate on the validity of sati among Hindu jurists; and that, by the thirteenth century, they had come to accept the practice. Hence, this chapter demonstrates that there was a gradual shift within Dharmaśāstra from prohibition to complete endorsement in its attitude toward sati, a shift that took place c. 500–1400 CE. The chapter concludes by proposing possible reasons for the Brahmanical adoption of sati, arguing in particular that it was a reaction to widows’ increasing inheritance rights during the medieval period.

This study aims to provide a comparative analysis of women's inheritance rights under Islamic family law across various Islamic jurisdictions. A purposive sampling technique is employed, aiming to select cases and legal documents that provide comprehensive insights into the comparative aspects of the inheritance rights of women. The data analysis is conducted using thematic analysis to identify patterns, similarities, and differences in the inheritance practices, legal interpretations, and the impact of reforms. The findings suggest that the strict or flexible application of the law in the Islamic family system correlates with each jurisdiction's socio-cultural and legal environment. The study concludes that the inheritance right of women in Islamic family laws exhibits significant variation across jurisdictions, influenced by cultural, socio-economic, and legal contexts. This study suggests that jurisdictions should consider adopting flexible legal reforms, focused on judicial discretion and family agreements to create more equitable inheritance distributions for women. This research may serve as a valuable resource for legal scholars, policymakers, and activists who are engaged in advocating for gender equality within Islamic legal systems.

Inheritance customary law is the rule of customary law that regulates how the inheritance or inheritance is passed on or divided from the heir to the heirs from generation to generation. Indigenous Balinese people with a patrilineal family system, causing only descendants with the status of kapurusa (male) are considered to be able to take care of and carry on family responsibilities. The problem in this research is "What is the position of a single girl in the inheritance system in Balinese indigenous peoples, and what efforts can be made for single unmarried girls to get their rights to inheritance in the inheritance system of Balinese indigenous peoples". This study aims: (1) analyze how the position of an only daughter in the Balinese traditional inheritance system is currently still in accordance with the development of Balinese indigenous peoples and the development of Balinese customary law which does not give inheritance rights to daughter. (2) Analyzing whether there are other efforts that can be made for single and unmarried girls to get a share of the inheritance of their parents. This study uses empirical legal research methods by focusing on the relationship between legal aspects and empirical reality. The results of the research show that (1) Inheritance rights for daughter in Balinese customary law are basically daughter are not heirs according to the Balinese Inheritance Law, but girls are entitled to a share of the inheritance from their parents, the procedure for granting inheritance rights for single girls to Inheritance property can become heirs by way of status changes, namely from pradana status to purusa status and marriage in the form of nyeburin. (2) For a daughter, it is possible to make various efforts in order to inherit or get a part of the inheritance from their parents, where in practice the gift is used with various terms such as tetadan treasure, grant, provision of life, pengupa jiwa and jiwa dana. Keywords : Daughter, Inheritance Rights, Balinese Customary Law.

Women's Property Rights are property and inheritance rights that are always valued by women as a category within society. Property ownership patterns and rights vary across societies and are influenced by cultural, political, racial and legal factors. Like women's property rights in other countries, women's property rights in India have evolved from ongoing struggles between status quo and progressive forces. Hindu women's legal rights to property have long been restricted in Indian culture. Women's property rights are the property and inheritance rights enjoyed by women as a group within society and like women's property rights elsewhere, women's property rights in India are incompetent and unjust. Indian women have made great strides in the last century, but they still have less property rights than men, both in quality and quantity. The legitimacy of claims purportedly made in a legal context must be questioned in light of their legal, historical, political and cultural context. Voting and property rights have been recognized as a result of feminist movements around the world, but in many places such rights are only enshrined in statutes and serve no practical purpose. It is our duty to protect the rights of all people has the right to be treated equally in all areas of life. However, women's status in our society is lower than that of men and the inequality is particularly pronounced in property rights. The law recommends the harmonization of personal law in the form of a uniform civil code with fair, just and nondiscriminatory provisions. Elaboration of the Uniform Civil Code would go a long way in improving the status of women in India. A slight difference with respect to property rights for Indian women is that Indian women are highly divided among women regarding property rights, among many other moral rights. With so many laws coming out, it's clear that there should be no discrimination between men and women, but in reality no law is effective enough to bring about real change in society. Hindu women's property rights are changing and the current laws governing these rights are more lenient than those of ancient Hindu societies. Patriarchal Hindu societies provided women with property known as stridhan (literally "women's property or wealth"), which consisted mainly of wedding gifts (clothes, jewelry and rarely landed property). Women's movements around the world offer a comprehensive feminist account of society. In fact, what seems radical in contemporary feminist analysis corresponds to nineteenth century feminist criticism. Various property rights exist in India. Hindu law applies to Hindus, Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs. Islamic law applies to Muslims. Christian law applies to Christians and Parsi law applies to Parsis. Jews have their own property rights. But women's equality and freedom were denied. Because the turbulent history of mankind has shown that no matter how far apart in time and space, different cultures have one thing in common and that is the mockery of women.

This study aims to garner perceptions of Enugu inhabitants on the customary practice of property transfer to inheritors and its nexus to female property crimes (FPCs). Inheritance is an age-old practice which tends to favour male folks. Women have often been relegated to the kitchen. This practice is embedded in most African cultures where the birth of a male is valued over the birth of a female child. Denial of female rights of inheritance, denial of ownership of landed property, and female marginalization in almost all social institutions seem to stem from patriarchy which in turn tend to predispose women to property crimes. This study anchored on Relative Deprivation theory. Mixed method approach was adopted. Sampling of participant was based on multi-stage sampling procedure and purposive sampling. The sample size is 1015 for the quantitative part of the study and nine key informants for the qualitative aspect. This study found that the customary practice of legatee in Igbo land is embedded in patriarchy and this holds adverse economic effects for women, culminating in FPCs which involve women of youthful age who are mostly in full blown exposure of the existing privileges and cover offered to women in patriarchal societies especially when married. This study concludes that patriarchy understood as domination of vital social and political positions by men and exclusion of women from inheriting family lands and properties is implicit to FPCs.