Towards a List of Clans and Families in Scotland—Identity Politics, Cultural Appropriation and Romantic Idealism

This is a report on archaeological work in two of Scotland's less well-known medieval burghs of Kelso and Peebles (NGR: NT 7268 3402; NT 7261 3408; NT 2520 4053; NT 2057 4051).
 The excavations at Wester Kelso/Floors Castle established that the original medieval burgh of Kelso or Wester Kelso was much further west than previously believed, being situated well inside the present Castle policies. That early settlement at Wester Kelso appears to have been abandoned in the 14th or 15th centuries, at the same time that the royal burgh of Roxburgh was deserted, probably as a result of the English occupation of Roxburgh Castle. The other settlement of Easter Kelso, near the abbey, survived and expanded northwards from the abbey along Roxburgh Street. The finding of a possible building terrace in Phase 1 at 13–19 Roxburgh Street indicates that settlement along the southern end of that street could date to as early as the 13th or 14th centuries. Combining the archaeological, cartographic and documentary evidence, it seems clear that 'Easter' Kelso, now Kelso, had expanded from the market area around the abbey northwards towards the Floors estate by the early 18th century. The excavations in Peebles have provided important information on the origins of the settlement of the peninsular ridge between the Tweed and Eddleston Water. The results obtained from the excavations at the two sites in Peebles indicate that settlement of the ridge began in the 12th century, soon after the establishment of the royal castle and burgh by David I (1124–53). At both sites, after initial dumping of rubbish, possibly to raise the ground level to counter flooding, occupation, in the form of stone structures, can be dated to the 14th century at the latest, with probable earlier dumping of domestic refuse in the 12th and 13th centuries. The street of Bridgegate was apparently laid out in the 13th or 14th centuries when the excavated site was divided into three properties aligned on that street, two of which had stone buildings erected on them. Alternatively, Bridgegate may have been the initial focus of settlement on the east side of the Eddleston, providing the access route from the east into Old Town, where a pilgrimage centre had been established at the Cross Kirk in 1261, and the location of the tolbooth (Bridgegate Building 4) in it suggests that this street was originally more important than High Street. It is noteworthy that all eight medieval buildings excavated at the two Peebles sites were of stone construction. Peebles tolbooth, the civic centre of the burgh, is the only medieval tolbooth site in Scotland to have been excavated.

Synopsis An intermediate sclerite of a paleoloricate chiton (Polyplacophora) collected from the Kirkcolm Formation (Ordovician, Lower Katian) of Kilbucho in the Scottish Borders (formerly Peeblesshire), Scotland represents the first record of the class in the Southern Uplands. The single Kilbucho specimen is morphologically distinct from documented taxa, and is described and figured here but left in open nomenclature.

The severe and early destruction and fragmentation of woodland habitats due to human activities is thought to have been a leading factor in the extirpation from Britain of several large, forest‐dependent mammal species, such as the Eurasian lynx Lynx lynx. However, during the 20th century, Scotland in particular has experienced rapid, large‐scale reafforestation. In order to assess if this reafforestation has been sufficient to permit the potential restoration of extirpated forest mammal species with large spatial requirements, a Geographical Information System (GIS) analysis of potential habitat of one species, the Eurasian lynx, was performed for the Scottish mainland. A rule‐based analysis, incorporating data and expert opinion from Switzerland, an environmentally similar area where lynx now occur, was used to identify patches of suitable lynx habitat in Scotland. A connectivity analysis was used to investigate whether and how these patches are connected to form larger interconnected networks of potential lynx habitat that would allow lynx to sufficiently interact with one another to form a single interbreeding population. Scotland has over 20 000 km2 of suitable lynx habitat split into two main networks of interconnected patches: the Highlands (c. 15 000 km2) and the Southern Uplands (c. 5000 km2). A further 800 km2 of potential habitat, contiguous with the Southern Uplands lynx habitat network, lies across the border in England. Although connectivity between the Highlands and Southern Uplands networks is currently weak, the implementation of measures to mitigate the barrier effects of busy roads in central Scotland could facilitate the movement of lynx between the two areas. Based on the availability of prey resources, Scotland could support around 400 adult and subadult lynx in the Highlands and around 50 in the Southern Uplands. A Scottish population of this size would be the fourth largest lynx population in Europe considering current population estimates.

Plagues in northern England in the 16th and 17th centuries appear to have different patterns and dynamics from the wave-like spread of the Black Death and from the radial, or from the apparently erratic and unpredictable, movement of the epidemics in central and southern England that were caused by the movement of infectives over substantial distances. Usually the spread of the infection in northern England can be monitored from the records and, frequently, the infections appear to move southwards along well-defined corridors in the northeast from the Scottish borders and Northumberland. The Pennines, which form the backbone of England, effectively divided the Northern Province into eastern (Northumberland and Yorkshire) and western (Cumberland, Westmorland and Lancashire) halves, each with different terrains, and an epidemic disease was brought across by infectives travelling on the roads through the gaps. Thus, the Northern Territory acted as a separate metapopulation, semi-isolated from Scotland and the rest of England. As we have seen, the inhabitants of northern England had been much occupied in defending themselves from raids and cattle stealing by the Scots, and Carlisle in the northwest and Durham in the northeast were major defensive centres. The terrain, particularly to the west of the Pennines, was very different from that of central and southern England and this was an important determinant of the dynamics of the epidemics.

The societies portrayed by Chariton belong to different states: the democratic polis of Syracuse, the monarchical states of Persia and Egypt. The appearance of democratic attitudes within despotic monarchical structure is surprising. In Syracuse popular masses have some political relevancy; elsewhere they only serve the purpose of decoration. There are lowly and outcast groups: these are the many pirates that wander the sea and replenish the slave market through their robberies and kidnappings. Slaves are everywhere. There appear fortunes and riches, which are boundless in the case of kings. The social structure and the economic features of these states, in their main lines, follow a well-known pattern; however, the appreciation of culture as a justification for power is noteworthy. The young protagonists belong to prominent Syracusan families, though their political prestige differs. Keywords: ancient novels; Chariton; economic structures; social structure

The unpublished and previously unexplored by domestic caucasiologists source from the collection of Suleymaniye Yazma Eser Kutüfanesi (Istanbul) – the second volume entitled “al-‘Uqūd al-Jawhariyya fī al-Mahāsin al-Dawla al-Ashrafiyya al-Ghawiyya” (“Precious Necklaces Concerning the Merits of the State of al-Ashraf al-Ghawri”) reveals unique information regarding the history of North Caucasian peoples, particularly the Adyghe and Abazins, during the late 15th and early 16th centuries. This volume is part of an anonymous manuscript dedicated to the praise of the Mamluk sultan from the Burji dynasty (1382-1517), al-Ashraf Qansuh al-Ghawri (r. 1501-1516). The text of the source provides information on the territorial and political structure of Circassia, including the “countries” or “lands” of the Circassians – Karmuk, Kabak, and Kabarda – and their social structure. Moreover, it covers the origin and civil strife of the Circassian princes, their foreign policy contacts, and the ethnocultural and confessional situation in the North-West Caucasus and Central Ciscaucasia in the 15th century. The manuscript testifies to the formation of Kabarda under its own name, reflected in Arabic as قبردا [Qabarda], at least by the beginning of the 1440s. The manuscript’s data is compared with information from 15th-century Arabic and Italian sources, as well as 16th and 17th-century Russian charters from the Ambassadorial Office, using retrospective analysis. To date, the anonymous work “Precious Necklaces Concerning Merits of the State of Al-Ashraf Al-Ghawri” is the only source that provides such comprehensive information on the formation of this Circassian principality, the genealogy of the first generations of Kabardian princes, the social structure – primarily the nobility – and the organization of power in Kabarda in the 15th century. This work focuses on the analysis of these topics.

I examine the development and current situation of the woollen knitwear and woven fabric industry in the Scottish Borders. The paper opens with a brief theoretical exposition of the logic and dynamics of industrial clusters. An overview of the consolidation of the industry as a multifaceted spatial cluster or agglomeration in the 19th century is presented. I then describe changes in the locational structure and productive capacities of the industry over the last several decades. I provide a diagnosis of the industry’s decline in recent years together with an assessment of relevant stocks of region-based resources and capabilities. I argue that the Scottish Borders region lacks many of the pooled competitive advantages typically found in successful clusters but that carefully modulated policy could do much to improve local economic performance in the future. A number of specific policy guidelines focussed on inter-industrial relations, labour markets and institutional infrastructures are examined.

In this paper we examine the relationship between romantic idealism and vocational goals of art education in Nova Scotia, Canada, in the 19th century. Ideas found in Nova Scotia are compared and contrasted to those of John Ruskin. Some Nova Scotian educators held ideas similar to Ruskin's early notions on art and morality, especially those related to art's reflection of the divinity of nature. These educators did not, however, hold views similar to Ruskin's later political beliefs. Consequently, they came up with different answers to questions about the relationship of art to work. We end the paper with a brief discussion of these issues as they relate to contemporary art education.

The translation article of this volume of Studia Vernacula is an essay on cultural appropriation by the American folklorist Jason Baird Jackson. This is an abridged version of the original article, which the author has reworked for our journal. Cultural appropriation is a phenomenon that can occur whenever there is contact between two (or more) social groups, especially when the balance of power (economic, political, symbolic, etc.) between them is not equal. The group in a position of power appropriates (takes over, essentially robs) the cultural phenomena – both spiritual and material – of the other and misuses them.
 As might be expected, the most obvious cases of cultural appropriation occur in countries and regions with a long colonial heritage, more precisely, in those where the problem has later been thoroughly acknowledged and a voice given to the aggrieved group, often the oppressed indigenous people, but also other (ethno-)cultural minorities. Awareness of cultural appropriation always presupposes some kind of awakened consciousness on the part of the minority group, and the ability to communicate the problem beyond its own inner circle. Cultural appropriation can also be recognised from the outside, as an ethical problem among the dominant group. Nevertheless, some kind of subjectivity on the part of the affected side is indispensable here – so as not to be merely the object of external patronage without any capacity or wish to change the situation itself.
 The Estonian reader might be concerned with the question of whether and to what extent it is possible to speak of cultural appropriation in Estonian ethnography or cultural history. Does the position inherent in American folkloristics, where the question of colonial heritage and the study of “other” peoples is clearly at the forefront, resonate with the (Eastern) European, Herderian approach to heritage, which seems to have been unanimously “ours” all along? In order to answer this question, we should first discuss possible minority groups in Estonia. So far, the Estonian state has been reluctant to grant anyone the legal status of an indigenous people for fear of setting a precedent, also in order to prevent any complications that might arise in connection with this.
 Nevertheless, some ethno-territorial groups in Estonia have at least expressed the wish to consider themselves as indigenous peoples separate from “ordinary Estonians”. In this context, we can also point to instances of cultural appropriation, where material or non-material heritage has been collected from a community and brought to community to museums, probably not always using the most transparent methods. The researcher-collector, as representative of the scientific community, is always in a position of power. Formal and symbolic authority plays a role, so it is possible to manipulate the local people. Similarly, the history of Finno-Ugric research expeditions is not free from selfish or arrogant attitudes towards local communities.
 In Estonia, the widespread use of folk costumes throughout the 20th century is an obvious example of cultural appropriation. The members of hundreds of choirs or dance groups need not have had any meaningful relationship with, or interest in the folk costumes of the parishes that they had to wear during performances. A costume that has lost its personality, torn away from its roots, cheapens and devalues its originality and value, and possibly also its heritage community.
 Alongside the “colonising” attitude of the scientific communities and instances of appropriation born from poor knowledge, we can also speak of the attitude of more emancipated Estonians – distanced from their roots, towards rural life and its representatives, as well as folk culture in general. What to do in these cases, when progressive citizens, tired of city life for one reason or another, are moving to rural places to build a new life? They may feel sympathy for, and even interest in the local community and culture, but their value systems, lifestyle, habits and envisioning often do not coincide with those of the local “natives”. The question arises: at what point does the bona fide exploitation and marketing of local heritage cross the boundary of being disturbing to genuine local people?
 Keywords: cultural appropriation, indigenous peoples, self-colonisation in Estonia

Why does the progress of civilisation require social innovations?

BackgroundCommunities with the highest disease burden from Alzheimer’s disease and related dementias (ADRD) often experience considerable health disparities. These disparities are due to systematic and structural racism, classism, ageism, and social determinants of health, leading to distrust of and lower engagement with biomedical research. These injustices exacerbate disparities, ultimately leading to less generalizability of research findings. Therefore, we hypothesized that creating a culturally appropriate ADRD research registry called COEQUAL would increase underrepresented communities' engagement in ADRD research.MethodsOur NIH‐funded community and patient‐engaged study aims to identify and enhance current practices to promote high‐yield engagement and retention of diverse participants in ADRD research in St. Louis, Missouri. Based at the Washington University Knight Alzheimer’s Disease Research Center, our partners include Saint Louis University, Wesley House (a social service organization), the Greater Missouri Chapter of the Alzheimer’s Association, and Health Literacy Media. We have a 20‐member Governance Board to create a culturally appropriate research registry. Before creating the COEQUAL registry, we plan to conduct a community needs assessment with listening sessions and a pre/posttest survey of n = 160 community members, patients, caregivers, and healthcare providers aged 45+. We will use direct/indirect recruitment methods like posts in the health system patient portal, social media, and emails/mailers to recruit participants. Our facilitator’s guide and a pre/posttest survey will contain validated and culturally appropriate items to gauge perceptions, practices, and knowledge related to ADRD, willingness to participate in an ADRD research registry, and ways to engage and retain diverse participants. We will oversample participants who self‐identify as Black (African American, African, African Caribbean, or African Ancestry). Findings from the community needs assessment will be used to inform recruitment, ongoing engagement with, and retention of, individuals in ADRD research.ResultWe anticipate gaining knowledge of the perceptions and practices of engaging community members, patients, and providers in creating a culturally appropriate ADRD research registry.ConclusionThe feasibility of creating a culturally appropriate ADRD research registry in St. Louis is critical to ensure justice and generalizability in research. Moreover, using a community and patient‐engaged research approach increases the cultural appropriateness of ADRD research.

The book examines how town and country planning in the Scottish Borders was transformed from a fringe activity of local government to become the driving force for rural regeneration. The Scottish Borders comprises the historic counties of Peeblesshire, Selkirkshire, Roxburghshire and Berwickshire – traditionally an area synonymous with woven cloth, knitwear and agriculture; an area that suffered from rural depopulation over a prolonged period of time. Against the background of the social, economic and political changes of the 20th century, the book provides a detailed account of the evolution of the practice of town and country planning in the Scottish Borders from its birth in the 1940s to the re-organisation of local government in 1996. The book compares and contrasts the different ways in which, prior to 1975, the four counties attempted to deal with the decline in the regions traditional industries and the loss of population since 1891. It explains how planning and economic development became inexorably linked in an effort to stem depopulation. The book describes how, in partnership with a range of organisations, the Borders Regional Council, established in 1975, met the challenges of the 1980s and 1990s and secured investment and implemented proposals across the whole spectrum of development planning. The book details how environmental issues came to the fore and, with the reorganisation of local government in 1996 and the establishment of the Scottish Parliament in 1999 looming, examines the role of the Planning and Development Department in preparing for the challenges of the twenty-first century.

This article is dedicated to an analysis of Russian cultural borrowings from the Natives of Alaska and Aleutian Islands during the second half of the 18th century until 1867, when these territories were sold to the USA. As this research shows, the Russians, in the process of their colonization of the New World, borrowed objects of a predominantly utilitarian character in the sphere of material culture. Most of these borrowings took place in the 18th century, when the Russians had weak connections with the metropolis and there was a scarcity of European goods. The spiritual culture of the Natives, with the exception of some linguistic borrowings, chiefly of a toponymic character, remained outside the cultural circle of the immigrants from Russia.

The Royal Botanic Garden Edinburgh was established in 1670 and during the 20th century acquired three Regional Gardens – the mountainous Benmore in Argyll; Dawyck in the wooded hills of the Scottish Borders and Logan on the Gulf Stream-warmed southern peninsula of Dumfries & Galloway. Together they represent one of the world’s largest living collections of plants.

This is a report on archaeological work in two of Scotland's less well-known medieval burghs of Kelso and Peebles. The excavations at Wester Kelso/Floors Castle established that the original medieval burgh of Kelso or Wester Kelso was much further west than previously believed, being situated well inside the present Castle policies. That early settlement at Wester Kelso appears to have been abandoned in the 14th or 15th centuries, at the same time that the royal burgh of Roxburgh was deserted, probably as a result of the English occupation of Roxburgh Castle. The other settlement of Easter Kelso, near the abbey, survived and expanded northwards from the abbey along Roxburgh Street. The finding of a possible building terrace in Phase 1 at 13-19 Roxburgh Street indicates that settlement along the southern end of that street could date to as early as the 13th or 14th centuries. Combining the archaeological, cartographic and documentary evidence, it seems clear that 'Easter' Kelso, now Kelso, had expanded from the market area around tThis is a report on archaeological work in two of Scotland's less well-known medieval burghs of Kelso and Peebles. The excavations at Wester Kelso/Floors Castle established that the original medieval burgh of Kelso or Wester Kelso was much further west than previously believed, being situated well inside the present Castle policies. That early settlement at Wester Kelso appears to have been abandoned in the 14th or 15th centuries, at the same time that the royal burgh of Roxburgh was deserted, probably as a result of the English occupation of Roxburgh Castle. The other settlement of Easter Kelso, near the abbey, survived and expanded northwards from the abbey along Roxburgh Street. The finding of a possible building terrace in Phase 1 at 13-19 Roxburgh Street indicates that settlement along the southern end of that street could date to as early as the 13th or 14th centuries. Combining the archaeological, cartographic and documentary evidence, it seems clear that 'Easter' Kelso, now Kelso, had expanded from the market area around the abbey northwards towards the Floors estate by the early 18th century.The excavations in Peebles have provided important information on the origins of the settlement of the peninsular ridge between the Tweed and Eddleston Water. The results obtained from the excavations at the two sites in Peebles indicate that settlement of the ridge began in the 12th century, soon after the establishment of the royal castle and burgh by David I (1124-53). At both sites, after initial dumping of rubbish, possibly to raise the ground level to counter flooding, occupation, in the form of stone structures, can be dated to the 14th century at the latest, with probable earlier dumping of domestic refuse in the 12th and 13th centuries. The street of Bridgegate was apparently laid out in the 13th or 14th centuries when the excavated site was divided into three properties aligned on that street, two of which had stone buildings erected on them. Alternatively, Bridgegate may have been the initial focus of settlement on the east side of the Eddleston, providing the access route from the east into Old Town, where a pilgrimage centre had been established at the Cross Kirk in 1261, and the location of the tolbooth (Bridgegate Building 4) in it suggests that this street was originally more important than High Street. It is noteworthy that all eight medieval buildings excavated at the two Peebles sites were of stone construction. Peebles tolbooth, the civic centre of the burgh, is the only medieval tolbooth site in Scotland to have been excavated.