Abstract
Behavioral policy interventions aimed at redirecting individuals’ behavior toward optimal choices are characterized by an important issue which is often overlooked: the lack of an instrument to define what “optimal” means. If agents are subject to behavioral biases leading them to make “wrong” choices, the policy-maker can no longer rely on the revealed preferences approach (e.g., what people choose is what people prefer) for defining a welfare criterion. In this article, we reiterate the argument put forward by some scholars that choosing a suitable welfare criterion once the link between observed choices and individuals’ preferences is broken becomes a problematic task. We review the state of the art in the literature and the possible approaches proposed to overcome the problem, concluding that a solution has not yet been reached. Moreover, we argue that the lack of an established welfare criterion characterizing behavioral policy-making could pave the way to government wanting to restrict individual freedom. In the absence of any legislative constraint for the executive, stating that what individuals choose is not what they prefer in principle justifies any freedom-reducing government intervention, since choices can be arbitrarily labeled “sub-optimal” or “welfare-reducing.” To avoid this risk without turning down the potential of behavioral policy-making, we propose that an independent committee establishes ex ante procedural rules and domains where behavioral policy-making can be implemented. The article suggests some possible examples of normative provisions characterizing this constitution-type document, such as the selective identification of the only sectors where behavioral policies could be effectively applied, the periodic evaluation of policy effects, and the use of sunset clauses.
Highlights
Introduction: the behavioral revolution and its unsolved issuesWhereas the economic approach to law has probably been the most powerful intellectual movement affecting law and policy-making in the twentieth century, the beginning of the twenty-first century seems to be marked by cognitive and social psychology
Given that the direction of the aforementioned deviations from the rational behavior is often predictable, scholars have been able to produce models of decision making that include these behavioral anomalies.2. These insights from cognitive psychology have to a large extent been incorporated into the traditional economic analysis of law through the seminal work of Sunstein and Jolls,3 leading to a new domain referred to as “behavioral law and economics.”
The goal of behavioral law and economics “is to offer better predictions and prescriptions about law based on improved accounts of how people behave.”4 there was originally some opposition to this behavioral approach,5 leading law and economics scholars largely recognize the importance of cognitive psychology for the domain of law and economics
Summary
Whereas the economic approach to law has probably been the most powerful intellectual movement affecting law and policy-making in the twentieth century, the beginning of the twenty-first century seems to be marked by cognitive and social psychology. The problem of achieving optimal pollution levels is an information problem: as long as through some clever procedure the policy-maker acquires the market evaluation of a certain good as revealed by consumers’ choices, she can identify what the optimal level of pollution is (and so, how the environmental tax should be set). This is not the case in the context of behavioral policymaking.
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