“Tomorrow Is Already Here”

A substantial amount of literature dealing with conceptualisations of the nation has neglected the importance that gender and the politics of reproduction play in the construction of national identities. Analysing images of political campaigns and activists as well as public discourses on motherhood, abortion and childcare, I will illustrate the importance that gender and sexuality assumed in German nation-building projects before and after its unification in 1990. After 1949, East and West German ideas of nationhood were premised on opposing ideas of gender roles, in that politicians within these two German nations mobilised distinct gender identities to assert their respective political system as superior and progressive. While in East Germany, the progressiveness of the socialist project was measured along the lines of women’s integration into the labour force; in West Germany, the idea that a woman’s identity was primarily rooted in motherhood played an influential role in nationalist discourses. Once East and West Germany reunified in 1990, these opposing ideas of gender roles clashed. This became particularly visible in the context of political debates around abortion and childcare. An analysis of these debates suggests that the “new” unified German nation was premised upon a story in which the West German idea of the housewife-breadwinner model prevailed. This was diametrically opposed to what was framed as the East German “woman-worker” who had free access to abortion, and was abjected as immoral and backward. Analysing how such a national story was constructed is highly valuable, as it elucidates the ways in which gender has become a constitutive and structural element in the nation-building process of unified Germany to the present day.

Until now mortality trends of melanoma and nonmelanoma skin cancer (NMSC) in Germany have been studied only in West Germany. We were interested in comparing mortality trends of melanoma and NMSC in West and East Germany before and after the post-communist transition. By analyses of health care utilization data in West and East Germany, we explored potential reasons for mortality differences between these regions. We analyzed mortality data of skin melanoma and NMSC of West and East Germany (1980-2005). We calculated sex-specific age-standardized mortality rates using the World Standard Population. We calculated age-specific mortality rates (20-39, 40-59, 60-79, 80+ years). Age-standardized skin melanoma mortality rates tended to be lower in East Germany than West Germany before reunification. After reunification rates became very similar. Age-standardized mortality rates of NMSC were continuously higher in East than West Germany. The mortality rate differences among East and West Germans in 1996-2005 are mainly due to 2.34- and 2.24-fold higher mortality rates among men and women aged 80 years, respectively, who live in East Germany. Even 15 years after reunification, mortality of NMSC is still higher in East than West Germany, although incidence rates of squamous cell cancers of the skin are not higher in East Germany. Differences in the participation in early cancer detection and health care utilization in West and East Germany do not sufficiently explain our findings.

Within an environmental health study, dermatologic examination of 1273 pre-school-age children (5-7 years old) was carried out in selected areas of East (n = 287) and West (n = 987) Germany in spring 1991. On the basis of comparable genetic background, the influence of a different exposure to air pollutants on the manifestation of atopic diseases was investigated. Halle an der Saale (East Germany) and Duisburg (North/South) as well as Essen (West Germany) were chosen as polluted study areas, whereas the countryside town of Borken (West Germany) served as a control region. Outdoor pollution with particles and SO2 was significantly higher in Halle an der Saale. Of the total study group, 12.9% suffered from atopic eczema at the time of examination. The prevalence was highest in East Germany (17.5%; adjusted odds ratio [OR] 1.39, confidence intervals [GI] 0.77-2.52, compared to Borken). The reported frequencies of hay fever and asthma in the total study population were 2% and 1.3%, respectively, without significant differences between study sites. Some 34.7% of the children showed at least one positive skin prick test reaction; significantly (P < 0.001) higher sensitization rates were obtained in western regions (Essen, Duisburg-South) than in the control region (Borken) and East Germany. Multivariate analysis of the prevalence of atopic eczema showed associations with parental predisposition (OR 1.52, CI 1.03-2.25), sex (for boys, OR 0.63, CI 0.43-0.92), location (Duisburg-South vs Borken OR 0.52, CI 0.30-0.96), month of investigation (May vs April, and March vs February OR 0.55, CI 0.37-0.81), contact with rabbits (for girls, OR 2.90, CI 1.36-6.19), animal fur in bedrooms (2.17, 1.01-4.67), indoor use of gas without hood (1.68, 1.11-2.56), and distance of homes from a busy road (< 50 m 1.71, 1.07-2.73). Nonsignificant associations were observed for history of helminthic infections (OR 1.61, CI 0.98-2.64) and high parental education level (OR 1.83, CI 0.83-4.02). In East and West Germany, atopic eczema seems to follow a course different from that of respiratory allergic diseases and specific sensitization, a fact which underlines the need for a differentiated analysis.

BackgroundSocial inequalities in health exist globally and are a major public health concern. This study focus on a systematic investigation into the associations between health indicators, living conditions and parental educational level as indicator of the social status of 6-year-old children living in West and East Germany in the decade after re-unification. Explanations of observed associations between parental education and health indicators were examined.MethodsAll boys and girls entering elementary school and living in predefined areas of East and West Germany were invited to participate in a series of cross-sectional surveys conducted between 1991 and 2000. Data of 28,888 German children with information on parental education were included in the analysis. Information about educational level of the parents, individual living conditions, symptoms and diagnoses of infectious diseases and allergies were taken from questionnaire. At the day of investigation, atopic eczema was diagnosed by dermatologists, blood was taken for the determination of allergen-specific immuno-globulin E, height and weight was measured and lung function tests were done in subgroups. Regression analysis was applied to investigate the associations between the health indicators and parental educational level as well as the child's living conditions. Gender, urban/rural residency and year of survey were used to control for confounding.ResultsAverage response was 83% in East Germany and 71% in West Germany. Strong associations between health indicators and parental education were observed. Higher educated parents reported more diagnoses and symptoms than less educated. Children of higher educated parents were also more often sensitized against grass pollen or house dust mites, but had higher birth weights, lower airway resistance and were less overweight at the age of six. Furthermore, most of the health indicators were significantly associated with one or more living conditions such as living as a single child, unfavourable indoor air, damp housing condition, maternal smoking during pregnancy or living near a busy road. The total lung capacity and the prevalence of an atopic eczema at the day of investigation were the only health indicators those did not show associations with any of the predictor variables.ConclusionDespite large differences in living conditions and evidence that some poor health outcomes were directly associated with poor living conditions, only few indicators demonstrated poorer health in social disadvantaged children. These were in both parts of Germany increased levels of overweight, higher airway resistance and, in East Germany only, reduced height in children with lower educated parents compared to those of higher education. In both East and West Germany, higher prevalence of airway symptoms was associated with a damp housing condition, and lower birth weight, reduced height and increased airway resistance at the age of six were associated with maternal smoking during pregnancy. The latter explained to a large extent the difference in birth weight and airway resistance between the educational groups.

Infections may play a role in the etiology of sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS), with Bordetella pertussis being a potential agent. The objective was to analyze the association of SIDS and infant pertussis hospitalization rates over time, comparing a previously unvaccinated population (West Germany) versus a predominantly vaccinated population (East Germany). We calculated SIDS rates per 1000 live births per state. Live births and SIDS were available from 1980 onwards for the West German states and from 1991 onwards for the East German states. We applied interrupted time series (ITS) analyses to investigate the role of two public health interventions in 1991 (West Germany) and in 2000 (West and East Germany), respectively. Infant pertussis hospitalizations were available for five West German and three East German states between 1994 and 2019. We used multilayer and multivariate correlation analyses to determine the correlation between SIDS and pertussis hospitalization rates, including Pearson correlation test and vector autoregressive (VAR) analysis. In West Germany, the average annual SIDS rate (per 1000 live births) increased from 1.08 in 1980 to 1.68 in 1991, before declining to 1.18 in 1992 and subsequently to 0.10 in 2020. In East Germany, the average annual SIDS rate (per 1000 live births) decreased from 0.79 in 1991 to 0.12 in 2020. The results of the ITS model indicated a significant change in both level and slope at the 1991 interventions (West Germany) and in slope at the 2000 interventions (West and East Germany). The correlation coefficients between SIDS and infant pertussis hospitalization rates were 0.69 (95% CI [confidence interval]0.41, 0.85; p < 0.001) in West Germany, and 0.41 (95% CI 0.03, 0.69; p = 0.037) in East Germany. The correlation decreased during later periods (2000-2019, 2010-2019), particularly in East Germany. The results of the VAR analysis corroborated the findings of the main analyses. SIDS and infant pertussis hospitalization rates were correlated in both West and East Germany. Further studies - including improved diagnostic assessment of pertussis - seem warranted. Not applicable.

Reviewed by: Cold War Germany, the Third World, and the Global Humanitarian Regime by Young-Sun Hong Eric Allina Hong, Young-Sun – Cold War Germany, the Third World, and the Global Humanitarian Regime. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Pp. 427. Young-Sun Hong's book is a welcome contribution to global Cold War history, the sprawling field that explores the military, diplomatic, and development activities not only of the US and USSR, but of other states as well. Deeply researched and densely argued, the book examines Cold War Germany (the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, or West and East Germany) and its engagement with what was, at the time, known as the "Third World." In addition to central Europe, the action unfolds in Algeria, Cameroon, Congo, Egypt, Guinea, India, the Koreas, the Philippines, Tanzania, Uganda, and Vietnam—parts of what David Engerman in Kritika (2011) so evocatively called the "second world's third world." Like much other work published since Odd Arne Westad's Global Cold War (2005), this book holds the conviction that the conflict cannot be understood as epiphenomenal to the Moscow-Washington rivalry. Rather, undertakings of the type Hong examines had an independent logic and momentum of their own, albeit one connected to the greater drama. She explores a wide range of German international activity that falls under the rubric of what she calls the "global humanitarian regime," encompassing medical aid, housing and infrastructure construction, public health, and medical education. These included East German efforts to help North Korea rebuild after the 1953 armistice, West German construction and operation of a South Korean hospital in postwar Pusan, and both Germany's medical missions to Algeria and Congo (among other destinations) in [End Page 432] the mid-1960s. The two countries pursued forward- and backward-looking goals, building relationships in the "global south" (as we now call it) to burnish an image tarnished by the legacy of National Socialism, simultaneously hoping to undercut the global standing of their fraternal rival. Hong's focus is on the 1950s and 1960s, when the Germanys were locked in combat for legitimacy in the international arena. Bonn refused to recognize East Germany (referring to it only as the Soviet Occupation Zone) and sought to impose a global isolation via what was known as the Halstein doctrine, under which West Germany threatened to sever diplomatic relations with any country that recognized East German sovereignty. The East Germans condemned the West as a redoubt for fascism and little more than an appendage of US imperial ambition. Closed in separate spheres—West Germany in the "empire of liberty," East Germany in the "empire of justice" (to use Westad's formulation)—both nonetheless had similar goals in reaching out to newly independent states emerging from colonial rule Hong makes clear how "notions of civilizational difference" (p. 13), ideas with genealogical roots in nineteenth-century imperialism, were rearticulated in what she calls "the three-world paradigm" (p. 15). This paradigm maintained the centrality of a "civilizational gradient" (p. 127), powered by the unequal distribution of financial and military capital, which ran downhill from north to south. One of the book's continuous threads is how what both German states presented as "racial or/civilizational difference" (p. 269) was little more than thinly disguised, and sometimes undisguised, racism. Held by both, it underlay a neocolonial project that envisioned some parts of the south "primarily as a source of labor power and raw materials needed to realize the creative visions of industrialized countries" (p. 307). Indeed, this meticulously documented argument is a major conceptual contribution to histories not only of Germany and the Cold War, but to development, international organizations, and of the postwar order at large. Yet if the Germanys' humanitarian efforts were far from disinterested, Hong also shows that the targets of German designs were more than objects of exploitation and pawns of Cold War rivalries. Both German states depended on their southern allies to achieve important policy and ideological goals, and their counterparts in Dar es Salaam, Hanoi, and Pyongyang knew it. They were aware of how the Germans depended on them—if in a fashion different to their own...

IntroductionThe study aimed to investigate the association between the start age of non-parental Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC) and psycho-social problems in adolescence. The similarities and differences between West and East Germany were also investigated in a natural experiment.MethodsOur sample consisted of 1022 children (621 from West Germany, 401 from East Germany) aged 3–4 years at wave 2003–2006 that were followed up to wave 2014–2017 as adolescents (mean ± SD age = 14.4 ± 0.03 years) in the KiGGS study. The psycho-social problems were measured by the parent-reported Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) at wave 2014–2017. Linear regression was used to explore the relationship between ECEC-start-age and psycho-social problems in adolescence in Germany, and stratified by West and East Germany.ResultsThose who started ECEC between 2 and 3 years old (reference) had the lowest scores of psycho-social problems in the whole Germany and in West Germany in adolescence. In comparison, those who started ECEC older than 3 years old had higher scores of internalizing psycho-social problems in both West Germany (with statistically significant results) and East Germany (with a relatively larger effect size but insignificant results). Those who started ECEC younger than 1 year old had statistically significant higher scores for externalizing psycho-social problems in West Germany, even though less children started ECEC younger than 1 in West Germany compared to East Germany. This significant association was not found in East Germany. Those who started ECEC between 1 and 2 years old tended to have higher scores of externalizing psycho-social problems in both West and East Germany.ConclusionThe results suggest that if children start ECEC older than 3 years or younger than 2 years, more attention needs to be given to internalizing or externalizing psycho-social problems respectively. The regional differences for children younger than 1 year old may suggest a selection effect in West Germany where only fewer parents bring babies to ECEC, while the regional similarities for children over 3 years old indicate the importance of providing access to ECEC for children over 3 years old.

BackgroundHealth and social conditions vary between West and East Germany.MethodsWe analyzed annual mortality data of all recorded deaths caused by lung, colorectal, breast and prostate cancer in Germany as they are published by the Federal Bureau of Statistics (FBS) encompassing the period 1980–2014 for former West Germany (WG) and 1990–2014 for former East Germany (EG). To compare East and West Germany we computed the ratio of the mortality rates in both parts (mortality rate ratio, MRR, <1 indicates a lower mortality in EG). Forecasting methods of time series analyses were applied (model selection based on the Box/Jenkins approach) to predict 5-year trends until 2019.ResultsLung cancer: In women mortality rose in both regions (WG: +2.8%, 1991–2014, EG: +2.2%, 1990–2014). In men mortality in WG declined between −2.1% and −1.2%, and by −2.7% (1993–2009) in EG which was followed by a plateau. Colorectal cancer: A decline was found in both WG (−3.1%, 1993–2014) and EG women (−3.8%, 1993–2008 and −2.0%, 2008–2014). A decline in EG men since 1992 (−0.9%, 1992–1997 and −2.3%, 1997–2014) mirrors the development in WG (−2.6%, 1995–2014). Breast cancer: Constant mortality decline in WG after 1996. In EG a decline (−2.4%, 1992–2007) was followed by a plateau with an MRR <1 (1990–2014). Prostate cancer: In WG a decline (−3.4%) came to a hold after 2007, while there was a constant decline of 1.5% in EG. The forecast indicated that mortality of colorectal/lung cancer in men and breast cancer reaches a plateau in future years.ConclusionCourses of mortality were similar between East and West, while existing differences are likely to remain in the near future.

Objective of this re-analysis of datasets from former East and West Germany was to examine the influence of maternal education on intrauterine growth in two different political and social systems. Information on socio-demographic or lifestyle factors and pregnancy outcome was available for 3374 liveborn singletons from West Germany (1987/88) and 3070 from East Germany (1990/91). Multiple logistic regression was used to estimate the association between maternal education and the risk of delivering a small-for-gestational-age (SGA) newborn below the 10th percentile of birthweight. Women with the lowest education had a significantly elevated risk of SGA newborns compared to women with the highest education in West (odds ratio [OR] = 2.58, 95% CI : 1.17-5.67) and East Germany (OR = 2.77, 95% CI : 1.54- 5.00). The distribution of factors known to influence intrauterine growth varied with education in both states. After adjusting for these factors, women with the lowest educational level still had a higher risk of SGA birth: OR (West) = 2.02, 95% CI : 0.87-4.72; OR (East) = 1.95, 95% CI : 1.02-3.74. Our findings support the assumption that in former socialist countries health inequalities as a result of social inequalities existed.

Trends in gender differences in health at working ages among West and East Germans

The paper (1) reviews the value differences between west and east Germany after unification and their development to date, and (2) explains the fact that between 1990 and 1995 east and west Germany do not approach each other in terms of values. (1) Of the four values considered, equality is more strongly endorsed in west Germany, whilst achievement is more strongly endorsed in the east. Co‐determination finds more support in west Germany. Acceptancy of institutions differs in its two domains in opposite directions: Religiosity is more strongly supported in west Germany, morality in east Germany. Across all four values, differences between both parts of the country mostly remain constant or even grow between 1990 and 1995. (2) As the former German Democratic Republic relied heavily on ‘work’ as an integrative ideology, east Germans should still be able to create a feeling of togetherness today based on the work product they established under the GDR. On the other hand, as this work is no longer linked to an unjust and ineffective political and economic system, it retrospectively gains in value on the one hand. Yet, as it is inevitably poorly assessed in the economic reconstruction of east Germany, it continually loses its value on the other hand. As unification has set off these contradicting developments, east Germans attribute them to west Germany; hence their growing distance from west German values.

This study deals with the history of Berlin during the Cold War from 1945 to the late 1960s. After World War II, Germany was divided into four regions and governed by the Allied Powers. Shortly after, with the onset of the Cold War, Germany was divided into East and West. Berlin, the capital, was also destined for the same fate. The western part of the city was placed in a special situation as a Western area located in the middle of East Germany. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, the United States and the Soviet Union, as well as West and East Germany, frequently clashed over West Berlin. The city was regarded as a bastion of Western liberalism and a representative location symbolizing the Cold War. Above all, the image of an “Island of Freedom” was imprinted.&#x0D; This study focuses on the spatial specificity created in West Berlin during the Cold War. Specifically, the influence that space had on the residents and result it produced is examined. To this end, the period was divided into four phases, focusing on the keywords “correction, exhibition, tension, and reorientation,” and the formation and change of the space and the people who lived in the city investigated. Right after the war, Berlin was considered the heart of Nazi Germany and became a place of correction where intensive de-Naziization and re-education of citizens took place. However, with the onset of the Cold War in 1947/1948, the situation changed. A favorable mood toward the West was rooted in West Berlin citizens who experienced the First Berlin Crisis (the Berlin Blockade). Afterwards, the city, which was heavily reliant on the support of the US and West Germany, took on the function of exhibiting the superiority of the liberal system by competing with the communist system.&#x0D; As the Second Berlin Crisis began in 1958; West Berlin citizens felt the fear of war and doubts about the city's survival. The heightened tension caused by the construction of the Berlin Wall brought about changes in citizens’ consciousness. It led to the public's expression of anxiety. On the one hand, there were those who relied more on the US. On the other, those seeking change appeared. In particular, the younger generation sought a new path through resistance and deviation, breaking away from the existing Cold War thinking. This was expressed as conflicts within the city in the late 1960s. Since then, the city has been transformed into a space that exhibits more international and open character and diversity.

Hospitalizations due to heart failure: major differences between East and West Germany even 30 years after reunification

Background: The major objective of the study was to assess whether the extent of health inequalities varies between East and West Germany and whether differences in social Inequalities between both parts of Germany are associated with differences in health inequalities. Methods: Data were available from a representative sample of 5,311 persons from West Germany and 2,414 persons from East Germany in the same age group (25–69 years). The study protocol was nearly identical in both studies. Socioeconomic status (SES) was assessed by household equivalent income and by educational level. Health status was assessed by perceived general health and by the number of chronic conditions. Absolute differences as well as relative differences (odds ratios) in the morbidity rates between low and high SES groups were calculated. All analyses were performed separately for men and women. Results: Income inequalities are larger in West Germany as compared with East Germany, but there are minor differences between East and West Germany concerning educational inequalities and morbidity rates. Just about all measures indicated that health inequalities favouring the upper socioeconomic groups exist in East Germany as well as in West Germany and that there are no significant differences in the extent of health inequalities between both parts of Germany. Conclusion: Using two data sets which were raised with nearly identical study protocols, it can be concluded that health inequalities are very stabile as they do not seem to differ substantially despite the fact that both parts of Germany have experienced different social systems during the past 45 years.

The purpose of this study is to reveal that the use of international phonetic symbols has been different in East and West Germany from World War II to the present. There has been a deviation not only in the use of IPA‐international phonetic symbols chronologically and regionally, but also in the actual language use of diphthongs and Schwa-/ə/, which was also found to be realized differentially in East and West Germany. The results are as follows. First, before World War II, German diphthongs that were written as [ae ao ɔø] in East and West Germany were written as [aɛ̯ aɔ̯ ɔoe̯] in East Germany after the division, whereas they were written as [ai͜ au͜ ɔy͜] in West Germany. Second, Schwa-/ə/ en is written as weakened or omitted [n̩] in West Germany, however it was nasalized or was written as [m̩] and as [ŋ] depending on the phonological environment in East Germany. Third, the deviation of these IPA between East and West Germany were also found in the language usage.