TNI Neutrality in General Elections: Analysis of Army Family Voting Rights in Magelang

The history of general elections in Indonesia began in 1955 with the implementation of a Proportional Representation system, allowing voters to directly elect candidates or parties. This system underwent modifications over time, including the adoption of an open-list system in 2004. The enactment of Law No. 7 of 2017 subsequently regulated the conduct of general elections in Indonesia, emphasizing principles such as direct, general, free, secret, fair, and honest elections. In Thailand, the history of general elections commenced following the 1932 revolution that ended absolute monarchy. Despite this, Thailand has experienced numerous military coups affecting its political dynamics, notably in 2006 and 2014, sparking debates among opposing political factions. This study employs a normative and legal approach to analyze the dispute resolution systems of general elections in Indonesia, contrasting them with Thailand's specialized commission approach for similar matters. In Indonesia, the resolution of election disputes is governed by Law No. 7 of 2017, with oversight bodies including the General Election Commission and the Election Supervisory Board. Conversely, Thailand's Election Commission of Thailand plays a crucial role in resolving election disputes in accordance with the constitution. Both countries adopt different approaches in handling election disputes; Indonesia relies on judicial bodies such as the Administrative Court and the Supreme Court, whereas Thailand employs the Election Commission of Thailand as a non-judicial institution with broad authority in addressing electoral law violations. Abstrak Sejarah Pemilihan Umum di Indonesia dimulai pada tahun 1955 dengan menggunakan Sistem Proporsional, di mana pemilih dapat memilih calon secara langsung atau partai. Sistem ini mengalami modifikasi dari waktu ke waktu, termasuk penerapan stelsel daftar terbuka pada tahun 2004. Undang-Undang No. 7 Tahun 2017 kemudian mengatur pelaksanaan pemilihan umum dengan prinsip-prinsip seperti langsung, umum, bebas, rahasia, jujur, dan adil. Di Thailand, sejarah pemilihan umum dimulai setelah revolusi tahun 1932 yang mengakhiri monarki absolut. Meskipun demikian, Thailand mengalami banyak kudeta militer yang mempengaruhi dinamika politiknya, termasuk kudeta pada tahun 2006 dan 2014 yang melibatkan perdebatan antara faksi-faksi politik yang berseberangan. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan normatif dan perundang-undangan untuk menganalisis sistem penanganan sengketa pemilihan umum di Indonesia, dibandingkan dengan Thailand yang memiliki pendekatan komisi khusus untuk hal serupa. Penyelesaian sengketa pemilihan umum di Indonesia diatur dalam Undang-Undang No. 7 Tahun 2017, dengan badan penyelesaian termasuk Komisi Pemilihan Umum dan Badan Pengawas Pemilihan umum. Di Thailand, Election Commission of Thailand memiliki peran penting dalam menyelesaikan sengketa pemilihan umum sesuai dengan konstitusi. Kedua negara memiliki pendekatan yang berbeda dalam menangani sengketa pemilihan umum, Indonesia melalui badan peradilan seperti Pengadilan Tata Usaha Negara dan Mahkamah Agung, sedangkan Thailand melalui Election Commission of Thailand sebagai lembaga non-peradilan yang memiliki kewenangan luas dalam menangani pelanggaran undang-undang pemilihan umum.

Elections for Village Heads, Regional Heads, Legislative Elections and General Elections in Indonesia should be carried out without being coloured by political money fraud, because of the dangers of political money for a clean democratic process ahead of the election of village heads, regional heads, legislative elections and general elections in Indonesia 2024, to achieve that power and victory, they used all kinds of methods. And that power will later be used to recover losses due to money politics. For this reason, Money Politics is considered a serious crime in the world of politics that must be fought and eliminated together. Money politics is the biggest enemy of democracy and is a 'bogey' that is familiar with holding elections in Indonesia. In the implementation of post-reform elections, money politics is a violation that is always in the spotlight. Uniquely, both election participants and the public are both involved in money politics circles. To fight the practice of Political Money Towards the Election of Village Heads, Regional Heads, Legislative Elections and General Elections in Indonesia 2024, the role of true politicians is needed who truly understand that the meaning of politics is the art of managing the country and its goal is to create the common good solely for people's welfare. Politics requires good people in it, who have a comparative advantage in the sense of having competence, and at the same time also have a competitive advantage. This is because goodness in politics needs to be fought for until it is transformed into state political policies. The Dangers of Political Money for a Clean Democratic Process Towards the Election of Village Heads, Regional Heads, Legislative Elections and General Elections in Indonesia 2024 will have long-term impacts, which will harm everyone (society), not only harm society as a whole, it can even harm the country, the nation, with various new problems that might occur due to the practice of this money politics. the impact of money politics can also damage the democratic order in a country, so that if it continues it will create new problems in society and even the state and can damage the mentality of the next generation which will have a labour impact on the welfare of society and the progress of a nation in the future. So that the practice of money politics must be stopped immediately because money politics demeans the people; Money Politics Is a Trap for the People; Money Politics Will Lead to Corruption; Money Politics Kills Society's Transformation.

In writing this thesis, the author intends to evaluate the strengthening of the presidential system through the implementation of the parliamentary threshold in general elections in Indonesia. The type of research used is normative juridical legal research with a statutory approach to the issues raised by the author. The application of regulations regarding the parliamentary threshold as a strengthening of the presidential system in general elections in Indonesia raises the pros and cons because there are positive and negative sides generated from the application of the parliamentary threshold. From the existence of two different views, the author in this thesis wants to evaluate the comparison before the use of the parliamentary threshold in general elections in Indonesia and after the application of the parliamentary threshold in general elections in Indonesia. The result of this research is that the evolution of the political system reflects efforts to achieve a balance between political stability and inclusive representation. Despite some criticisms regarding the lack of flexibility and the potential for fragmentation, Indonesia's political system continues to evolve and adjust to meet the demands of a maturing democracy.

Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) is a statistical technique used to build and test the statistical models are usually in the form of causal models. SEM is a combination from factor analysis, path analysis, and regression. This method is a statistical approach that serves to test hypotheses about the relationship between observed variables and latent variables. In this paper, SEM is applied to determine the motivation of the millennial generation for the general election 2019 in Indonesia. Data was obtained by distributing questionnaires online according to procedures which were then analyzed using SEM. Millennial’s motivation is seen from the knowledge of the millennial generation on voting rights commitments in the 2019 general election in Indonesia. Based on the result, millennial generation is committed to using voting rights in the 2019 general election. All indicator variables from this study are significant to the millennial generation’s commitment to use their voting rights

This research discusses the criminal sanctions against perpetrators of criminal acts of general elections in Indonesia. The main issues in this study include what is meant by elections and election violations, what are the criminal sanctions for perpetrators of violations in general elections in Indonesia, what are examples of cases of election crimes that have occurred in Indonesia, and what are the efforts made by related parties in handling cases of election violations in Indonesia. This study concludes that what is meant by general election is a democratization process used in many countries around the world to elect government leaders and represent Indonesian citizens in a government institution. Election violations are actions that are contrary to or not in accordance with laws and regulations related to general elections, as for the sanctions for perpetrators of election violations, if the perpetrator commits a violation in the form of providing false information in the campaign finance report, he will be subject to sanctions in the form of a maximum imprisonment of 1 year and a maximum fine of Rp. 12 million, if the perpetrator provides false information in the campaign report or unclear information, he will be subject to sanctions in the form of imprisonment for a maximum of 2 years and a maximum fine of Rp. 24 million and if the perpetrator provides incorrect information in filling in the voter's personal data, he will be subject to sanctions in the form of imprisonment for a maximum of 1 year and a maximum fine of Rp. 12 million, an example of a case of criminal election violations that have occurred in Indonesia is the case of money politics violations that occurred in the 2019 elections where the suspect named David H. Rahardja, who is a candidate for the DKI Jakarta DPRD from the Perindo party, was sentenced to six months in prison and a fine of Rp. 5 million, because he was caught giving cooking oil to citizens during a campaign. The efforts made by related parties regarding cases of general election violations in Indonesia are by conducting supervision in the frame of prevention, conducting socialization and also understanding to the public of potential violations that must be anticipated, mapping and identifying general election violations before conducting election supervision and coordinating, supervising, guiding and monitoring and evaluating the implementation of elections.

The holding of general elections is one of the means of achieving democracy and realizing a system of government that is people-sovereign and has been successfully implemented since Indonesia's independence until the current reformation period. This study aims to analyze the dynamics of general elections in Indonesia as part of the success of organizing democratic parties. The data used in this study comes from several pieces of literature relating to implementing the 1955 to 2019 general elections. The research method used is a descriptive method with a qualitative approach. With this method, the researcher attempts to describe, analyze, and explain the electoral system used during the legislative and presidential elections. The results of the study explain that Indonesia adheres to a democratic system in general elections. General elections aim to create a government of, by, and for the people. With the existing dynamics, elections in Indonesia have been successfully carried out from 1955 to 2019, both in the presidential and regional elections. The 1999 general election, which was a transition from the New Order government to reform, brought Indonesia towards a democratic political system. In 2004, the people participated directly in elections for the first time. The process of elections in Indonesia is indeed inseparable from the principles of general elections under Law Number 12 of 2003, namely direct, honest, fair, free, secret, and public.

The phenomenon of violations of the neutrality of the State Civil Apparatus in general elections in Indonesia often occurs every annual democratic party. These violations occur due to weak law enforcement of legal structure, legal substance, and legal culture regarding general elections. This research aims to understand the neutrality arrangements of the State Civil Apparatus in general elections interpreting existing legal norms. This research method uses normative juridical method through literature study and legislation. Violations can be avoided by improving the legal system regarding General Elections in Indonesia. Starting from the regulation of elections and election neutrality, there is a synergy between institutions, the General Election Commission (KPU), the Election Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu) which is also tasked with overseeing the neutrality of the State Civil Apparatus. As well as public participation in upholding the law in the running of democracy in an honest, transparent, fair manner, so as to create dignified justice in the holding of elections in Indonesia.

Elections are a means for the people to participate in determining the direction of government administration. The basic principle of democratic state life is that every citizen has the right to actively participate in the political process. The purpose of the research is to examine the phenomenology of resolving general election disputes resolved through the judicial process both in the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court, to assess the effectiveness of the two judicial institutions in resolving legal issues related to General Elections in Indonesia. The type of research used is literature research, the research approach uses normative juridical, the data source is secondary data that is analyzed qualitatively. The results of the research show that as well as the system of organizing general elections is designed in it, there is always a possibility of violations, for that there is always a reliable institutional mechanism to resolve various types of objections and disputes. The settlement of general election disputes in Indonesia can be resolved by the Election Supervisory Agency, the Judiciary under the auspices of the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court. General election disputes that are resolved through judicial institutions under the Supreme Court resolve disputes related to administration and criminal in the implementation of General Elections. Meanwhile, disputes over the results of the general election are within the scope of the Constitutional Court's authority. The appeal decision issued by the Constitutional Court against the dispute over the election results is the final and binding decision and there is no other legal remedy, if it is considered that the two judicial institutions are effective institutions in resolving legal issues related to the General Election in Indonesia.

This research was carried out in order to conduct an assessment of the Constitutional Court decision number 114/PUU-XX/2022 regarding the existence of an open proportional system as the identity of democracy in Indonesia. As is known, the decision rejected the review of several articles in the law relating to the open proportional system ( Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections) so the implication is that the open proportional system is still used as a mechanism for the general election system in Indonesia. As well as looking from another perspective regarding the advantages and disadvantages of the proportional system itself, the history of the application of open and closed proportional systems in Indonesia in the implementation of general elections, why the open proportional system was stated by constitutional judges as the ideal system to be implemented in Indonesia, and seeing how consistent the judges are constitution in deciding cases related to the open proportional system by comparing several constitutional court decisions related to the open proportional system. The author uses a doctrinal (normative juridical) approach. Research carries out analysis and research based on expert opinions and related theories in conducting discussions. Thus creating a correlation which thus sees the conclusion drawn by the constitutional judges that the open proportional system is the ideal system to be applied in general elections in Indonesia and that the existence of the open proportional system as a system in general elections in Indonesia is increasingly strengthened.

This study raises the legal issue against the enactment of Law No. 7 of 2017 on General Elections in Indonesia. The law has violated the constitutional rights of new political parties of the simultaneous general election participants that began in 2017. The injustice is seen in article 222 which requires the provision of presidential threshold for political parties nominating the president and vice-presidential pairs based on the results of general elections in 2014. If this provision is applied, automatically the new political parties of the simultaneous general election participants in Indonesia do not have the opportunity to nominate a couple of presidents and vice presidents. Based on the Constitution of the 1945 Constitution, the president and vice president are nominated by a political party or a coalition of political parties participating in the general election. Considering the constitution applicable in Indonesia should every political party participating in the general election have equal rights and opportunity in carrying the candidate of president and vice president to be elected by the people in a democracy.

Black campaigns that occurred in 2014 and 2019 also have the potential to emerge in the 2024 general elections in Indonesia. Not only does black campaigning have the potential to create public distrust of a fair electoral process, but it also has the potential to polarize society. This phenomenon has not been scientifically considered in previous studies. This study focuses on the question, "What is the potential for black campaigns that occurred in 2014 and 2019 to emerge in the 2024 general election in Indonesia?" This qualitative study investigates the forms and patterns of black campaign narratives disseminated through online media coverage. The findings of this study show that the black campaign that occurred in 2014 has the same pattern and narrative in 2019. Issues such as the involvement of the Indonesian Communist Party, Race, Human Rights, Radicalism, and Religion became issues that did not appear in the black campaign in the 2014 and 2019 general elections. The patterns and narratives of black campaigns that occurred in 2014 and 2019 can be used as references and preferences in looking at black campaign issues that have the potential to appear in the 2024 general elections. This study also recommends the importance of analyzing the factors that influence the emergence of black campaigns with the same patterns and narratives in 2014 and 2019 that have the potential to appear in the 2024 general elections in Indonesia.

This study aims to identify the potential and preferences for abstention by urban students as young voters in the 2024 elections in Indonesia. This context tends to be ignored in previous studies that discuss the phenomenon of abstention in general elections. In addition to responding to the shortcomings of previous studies, this study also focuses on the characteristics and preferences underlying urban students as young voters choose to abstain in the 2024 general election in Indonesia. The findings in this study show that the age characteristics of urban students in the Yogyakarta area tend to choose to abstain from voting and appear in the productive age range of around 20 years from 27 provinces of origin. In addition to appearing with such complex characteristics, the behaviors of urban students who tend to abstain are also influenced by the dominant political preferences of their social structure, access to information, and their perceptions of the ongoing democratic system in the 2024 general elections in Indonesia. From these findings, it can be reflected that the abstention of urban students as young voters is not only temporal but also a rational choice of the regulatory system and the democratic process in such a complex general election.

Introduction to The Problem: The election is a way to choose leaders in both the legislative and executive fields. An election mechanism is also a form of power distribution and its limitation, so elections are an important activity for national development. Through this election, there are evil sparks that can be lit by those who have an evil character; one of these sparks is money politics. Therefore, the implementation of elections required law enforcement agencies to deal with election violations and election disputes under applicable rules. Purpose/Objective Study: The purpose of this study is to find out how law enforcement in violations of money politics in Indonesia and how to deal with its violations. Design/Methodology/Approach: This article is a doctrinal one and using normative legal research methods with a statutory approach. The statutory course referred to is an approach based on legal reviewers related to the problem being discussed. Findings: In this study, the authors found that law enforcement of money politics in general elections in Indonesia must be based on established conditions. Such conditions are like implementing the regulations and force them to be implemented right away. Efforts that must be made in overcoming this violation in general elections in Indonesia are by making pre-eventive efforts. These efforts address election violations from the preparation step until the election implementation step. The second act is preventive actions, namely prevention efforts or non-penal measures before election crime. The third is a repressive effort that deals with corruption and focuses on the nature of the action, eradication, or suppression after the crime. Paper Type: Research Article

General elections are at the core of a democratic system involving the participation of every citizen. However, people with disabilities often face challenges in accessing and exercising their political rights. This article explores the legal framework governing and protecting the political rights of people with disabilities in the context of general elections in Indonesia. By analyzing laws, regulations, and implementation practices, this research aims to provide an in-depth understanding of the legal protection afforded to people with disabilities in the electoral process. This study is of a normative legal research type. The legal materials used in this research consist of three sources: primary, secondary, and tertiary legal materials. The data collection techniques used include a statutory approach, conceptual approach, document study, and quotation cards. The results classify the forms of legal protection for the political rights of people with disabilities into two categories: (a) Legal protection of the rights of people with disabilities in the form of Law Number 8 of 2016 concerning People with Disabilities, Regional Regulation of Bali Province Number 9 of 2015, and Regional Regulation of East Nusa Tenggara Province Number 6 of 2022; and (b) Legal protection of the rights of people with disabilities in the form of special facilities provision for people with disabilities in participating in presidential elections. The legal protection of the political rights of people with disabilities in general elections in Indonesia requires a holistic and sustainable approach. Therefore, the participation of all stakeholders, including the government, civil society organizations, and the private sector, is needed.

Social media has a vital role in general elections in Indonesia because social media is one of the platforms used by presidential candidates for campaigns to gain public support. General elections in Indonesia occur every five years. Many tweets talk about presidential candidates approaching the national election period. Not least, some buzzers deliberately use Twitter to carry out propaganda against a candidate or to bring down other presidential candidates with their opinions because information can spread widely and quickly on Twitter. Based on this, it is necessary to identify influential users in disseminating information related to the 2024 National Election, especially on Twitter. Various centrality methods were used in this study to identify influence users in sharing information about the 2024 National Election such us Degree Centrality, Closeness Centrality, Harmonic Centrality, Eigenvector Centrality, and Load Centrality. For the evaluation in this study, the results of each method were compared to one another to measure the similarity and correlation between the ranking lists of users who were influential in disseminating information about the 2024 National Election.