Threat Perception: New Risks, New Threats and New Missions

Borderland areas separating the state of Sarawak (Malaysia) and West Kalimantan (Indonesia) have long been a security concern for the Sarawak State Government. In general, such areas emerge as cross-border crime scenes, where many cases are constantly reported to the relevant security authorities. Despite the perseverance of Malaysia in enhancing border security, particularly that of the Sarawak state government, a discourse centred on state-centric security on people’s security issues in the affected area remains lacking. Border communities are rarely asked about matters of personal safety which can shed some light on the depiction of borderlands as insecure regions threatening human security. Although calls to secure national borders are evident, the perspectives of border communities are often discounted. This paper aims to highlight the importance of an empirical study in understanding human security from a spatial context of a borderland. By analysing the perceptions of people residing close to the border, this study contextualises human (in)security focusing on border community narratives and experiences and reflects on how borders impact people’s daily life. The analysis thematically underlined the value of including people’s collective experiences gathered through focus group discussions (FGDs) among the border communities of Danau Melikin, Serian, Sarawak. The findings offered insights into the population’s mental state and contributed to the current understanding of human (in)security from a bottom-up perspective. Accordingly, the study reported that people’s perception of threats and fear resulted from cross-border threats, where the profound effects related to human security threats were mostly influenced by border vulnerabilities. In this vein, the border as a ‘space’ was essential in influencing insecurity among the border communities of Danau Melikin, Serian.

This chapter emphasizes the human security concerns of the Kurds and how it shapes their threat perception in the Middle East. The security dimension of nationalism has been mostly understudied as many studies on nationalism have focused on the political and social dimensions. However, both for state nationalisms and minority nationalisms, security aspect remains an important dimension in the emergence and path dependency of nationalist discourses. Yet, what these nationalisms understand from security differ to a great extent. While state nationalism prioritizes the security of the state in the sense of its territorial integrity and the interests of “national security” defined by state actors, minority nationalisms tend to define security in broader terms which is beyond the state-centric approach. The security understanding of minority nationalisms tend to be closer to what the United Nations Development Programme framed as “human security.” This article attempts to examine the function of nationalism as an instrument of security which is understood differently by state and minority group actors through an analysis of the emergence and historical evolution of Turkey’s Kurdish question. Recent events such as the so-called Kurdish Opening, peace process with the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), renewed violence and Turkey’s ambiguous approach to the Kurds under the Islamic State threat in Syria, and the rising popularity of the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) will be discussed within the theoretical framework of competing security understandings of state and non-state actors.

Andrew Nathan's article provides an exaggerated view of the Chinese Communists' perception of threat across the Taiwan Strait. It takes a rather one-sided perspective in interpreting China's security interests as if the People's Republic of China (PRC) is a hegemonic power which has a right to impose its will on Taiwan and the world. That Andrew Nathan would blame Taiwan's democratic aspirations rather than PRC expansionism and hegemonism for the crisis in the Taiwan Strait and the troubles in Sino-US relations is hard to believe. Likewise, Nathan fails to acknowledge the reality of Taiwan ? a sovereign nation with a political and economic system separate and distinct from the PRC's. By taking a China-centred perspective, Nathan's article fails to take account of the position and vital interests of other actors in the Asia-Pacific region, notably Taiwan itself and the United States. Nathan asserts that China is merely acting to defend its security interests when it seeks to isolate Taiwan and to force it into an accommodation on China's terms. In the context of what China sees as an emerging American containment policy and the long-term possibility of Japanese rearmament ? and hence that China may be surrounded by hostile nations ? it is rational, according to Nathan, for China to seek to gain control over Taiwan so as to prevent it from becoming a base for a potential enemy. But what evidence is there to indicate that PRC leaders like Jiang Zemin, Li Peng and Qiao Shi really hold the unrealistic and paranoid view of China's international environment that Nathan's article implies? Is it really possible for Taiwan to align itself with China's potential enemies, as the PRC fears, and to serve as an 'unsinkable aircraft carrier' from which such enemies could launch attacks on China? That seems highly unlikely in the absence of any organized political force in Taiwan that favours such a course of action. Even now, the ruling Kuomingtang (KMT) and its splinter group, the New Party, are calling for Taiwan's eventual reunification with China, while the independence-minded Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is looking for Taiwan to become the 'Switzerland of East Asia' ? a neutral and peace-loving nation, not a Japanese or US colony, and certainly not a nation unfriendly or hostile to its neighbour across the Taiwan Strait. It is critical to keep in mind Taiwan's history. From 1895 to 1945, Taiwan was a Japanese colony and its people suffered under Japanese occupation. When the KMT took over Taiwan in 1945, however, it imposed a highly

This article offers a new perspective on when and why individual-level authoritarian perceptions of security threats change. We reexamine claims that authoritarian members of the public responded to the COVID-19 pandemic in a counterintuitive fashion. The response was counterintuitive in that, rather than a desire for a stronger government with the ability to impose measures to address the pandemic and its consequences, authoritarian individuals rejected a stronger government response and embraced individual autonomy. The article draws on perceptions of security threats-issues that directly or indirectly harm personal or collective safety and welfare-from surveys in two different contexts in England: 2012, when perceptions of the threat from infectious disease was low relative to most other security threats, and 2020, when perceptions of the personal and collective threat of COVID-19 superseded all other security threats. We argue that the authoritarian response was not counterintuitive once we account for the type of threat it represented.

This chapter highlights the dilemma faced by African countries within the context of security investment vis-a-vis development. From the data available on security and military spending, it can be seen that most African countries spend a great deal of money on arms importation and place an emphasis on hard security at the expense of human security. However, several studies have shown that in the current global scenario heavy spending on military arms and hard security at the expense of other crucial requirements such as health, education, roads, social security, and infrastructure cannot guarantee positive development in a political system.

Introduction: Human Security from Concept to Practice (A Acharya et al.) Constructing a Human Security Governance Index for Northeast India (K Das) Human Security Mapping in Conflict Zones: The Case of Northeast India (N G Mahanta) Conflict and Development in the Context of Human Security in Northeast India (D Sharma) A Human Security Index for Orissa, India (Madhyam Foundation) Human Security Impact Assessment (HSIA): A Suggested Methodology (Madhyam Foundation) People's Perception of Human Security Threat: A Survey of Three Naxal-Affected Districts in Orissa, India (S K Singhdeo).

This chapter describes the motivation of the research project, provides the theoretical framework of the entire book, and gives a summary of the findings of the case study chapters. In the process of diffusion of human security norms in East Asia, several features have emerged. First, East Asians have accepted a comprehensive definition of human security regarding the perception of threats. Second, East Asians tend to think that human security and state security are complementary. Third, the constituent elements of the human security norms such as freedom from fear and from want, freedom to live in dignity, protection, and empowerment are already accepted by East Asian nations. We need an extra effort to elevate human security to a full-fledged norm in the region.

Since the early 2010s, academic and policy debates about the interlinkages between climate and security have expanded and deepened. Climate is now widely acknowledged to magnify security risks especially in conflict or post-conflict contexts. This relationship is viewed as complex, dynamic and indirect, involving a wide range of intermediate variables. However, this discussion – and hence, related policy efforts – have tended to occur at highly aggregate levels of analysis, especially national, regional and global ones. Instead, this paper addresses climate-sensitive peacebuilding at the local level. What does local climate-sensitive peacebuilding look like on the ground? What are the promising areas for research and policy responses in fragile and conflict-affected settings? After offering a broad overview of climate-sensitive peacebuilding, we focus on the case of Afghanistan, drawing on specific examples that were in place prior to the 2021 return to power of the Taliban. We find that the traditional Western approach in the country – top-down, focused on hard security rather than human security and highly state-centric – tends to ignore the impacts of climate change. In addition, the dominant security paradigm overlooks the potential of local peacebuilding initiatives that address adaptation and resilience. We argue that climate-sensitive peacebuilding offers a bottom-up alternative to addressing the intersection of these risks in conflict-affected settings.

Surveys conducted in different regions of the world show that the prevalence rates of health risk behaviors (HRBs) in university students are sometimes higher than those found in non-university populations. This study aims to identify the prevalence rates and demographic and academic environment correlates associated with HRBs among Brazilian university students. In a cross-sectional epidemiological study, a random sample of 5310 university students answered an online questionnaire, with demographic (sex, age, skin color, marital status, and paid work) and academic setting information (housing type, size of campus, year, and shift of study), as well as items clustered in four HRB domains: personal safety and violence, sexual behavior and contraception, addictive substance use, eating habits, physical activity, and sleep. The data were analyzed statistically using bivariate analysis and hierarchical multiple regression. The highest prevalence rates occurred in HRBs clustered in the domain of eating habits, physical activity, and sleep (>60%), while HRBs for personal security and violence were less prevalent (<15%). From 15% to 35% of university students assumed HRBs regarding addictive substance use, and approximately 50% reported risky sexual behavior. The university students most susceptible to HRBs were men, aged ≥ 22 years, living far from their family, studying on larger campuses, attending night classes, and with two or more years of study at the university. The findings suggest that policies and interventions in the university context aimed at students' readiness to engage in a healthy lifestyle should target specific correlates associated with HRBs.

The Mollusca are, next to the Arthropoda, the largest phylum of the Animal Kingdom. They exist in innumerable species in the sea, in fresh waters, and on land, where they frequently occur in populous colonies. It might therefore seem that their soft and succulent bodies would be an important item in the diet of the many carnivorous arthropods. Yet such is not the case. In the light of our present knowledge rapacious snails appear to be the most formidable predaceous enemies of mollusks. Against predatory arthropods, snails and bivalves are generally well protected by a calcareous shell, the aperture of which is frequently obstructed by folds or teeth, or in some species may be completely closed with an operculum. In the case of the bare-bodied slugs, the violent contractions of the body and the abundant slimy secretion of the skin seemingly are quite effective repellents. Moreover, the secretive habits of snails and slugs contribute much to their personal safety. Many species are strictly nocturnal or crawl about during rainstorms only, that is when most of their potential enemies are inactive. At other times they are safely hidden in inaccessible recesses or buried in the soil, often at great depth. Among lower arthropods several species of mites (Acarina) infest land mollusks. Thus Erynetes limaceum Koch is commonly found in Europe on the slug Limax maxinmus Linnaeus and some of the Helicidae, retiring upon occasion into the pulmonary chamber (Cooke, 1895:62). In North America a mite (Hypopus concolor Haldeman) has been recorded by Binney as found upon a snail; it may have been a nymphal form of Erynetes. I have observed minute, ectoparasitic mites on a living Achatina in the Semliki forest of the Belgian Congo. Stuhlmann (1894: 313) had found them before in the same region with Achatina schweinfurthi v. Martens and A. stuhlmanni v. Martens. The acarids that parasitize fresh-water mollusks are much better known. They are aquatic mites (Hydrachnidae) of the genus Unionicola Haldeman (= Atax Fabricius) and are most frequently found in the naiads or Unionidae, where they often are fixed on the gills. They are said to feed on the microscopic animals drawn in by the mussel. Kiichenmeister (1856) has shown that they may become the center of a pearl growth, although this more commonly is formed around an

This article presents original research concerning subjective security and the perception of security threats in Lithuania. It is based on an analysis of data collected during qualitative interviews conducted in 2016 within the framework of a project titled Subjective Security in Volatile Geopolitical Context: Traits, Factors, and Individual Strategies. The investigation resides upon individual-based human security theory, and it addresses the threats that individuals consider to be important, as well as the ways in which various perceptions of security form within society.

This paper considers the interpretation of the empirical results of the developing literature on the demand for military spending that specifies a general model with arms race and spill‐over effects and estimates it on cross‐section and panel data. It questions whether it is meaningful to talk of an ‘arms race’ in panel data or cross‐section data, and suggests that it may be more appropriate to talk about the relevant variables – aggregate military spending of the ‘Security Web’ (i.e. all neighbours and other security‐influencing powers) and the aggregate military spending of ‘Potential Enemies’ – as acting as proxies for threat perceptions, which will reflect both hostility and capability.

Purpose This paper aims to explore the impact of the COVID-19 epidemic on the study and life of graduate students, understand the current practical problems faced by effective graduate students, and explore the impact of the COVID-19 epidemic on the life of graduate students in universities. Design/methodology/approach In this paper, the graduate students of Guizhou University are targeted, and the specific impacts of COVID-19 on their personal safety, extra costs, self-control ability and employment are expounded. Findings The study founds that to support university graduate students during the prevention and control period, focus on establishing effective psychological support mechanisms and self-discipline development programs. Provide accessible counseling services and mental health awareness campaigns while enhancing resources to boost self-control and time management skills, especially for remote studying. Additionally, reinforce employment services with improved career guidance and job placement support, and address enrollment pressure through better communication and mentorship initiatives Research limitations/implications In this context, it is necessary to study the obstacles and problems brought by the COVID-19 epidemic to the study of graduate students in universities and try to resolve the adverse effects caused by the epidemic. Originality/value It points out various difficulties facing graduate students in universities under the background of epidemic prevention and control, and puts forward some appropriate suggestions based on the actual situation, so as to provide some insights for graduate students to understand how to deal with the negative effects of COVID-19

The Middle East is considered as a marginalized geography and difficult to understand for Western countries due to an orientalist and postcolonial perspective. Today, Lebanon, which offers an important opportunity to understand the Middle East from the political, economic, sociological and security perspectives, is a country facing various problems such as poverty, economic and political instability, ethnic and sectarian conflicts, uncontrolled migration movements and gender inequalities. Capernaum is a significant and effective example in terms of reflecting different living conditions and security perceptions in the Lebanon. In this study, how the security is defined through the eyes of the people from the Lebanon and how the perception of threats is shaped by the security issues of Lebanon are examined through the compelling Capernaum (2018) film of Lebanese female director and screenwriter Nadine Labaki. In this respect, the qualitative thematic content analysis of the film is carried out and it is revealed how the economic, social and religious problems of the Lebanese individuals evaluated in the context of human security are reflected in the film. As a result of the analysis, Capernaum is an exemplary film in terms of addressing the security concerns of Lebanon with a human security and gender perspectives. However, the film cannot address the causes, historical and social origins of these problems adequately, so, this might cause disconnections in the imagination of the audience.&nbsp;

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