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Thoughts on Cord Knotting as an Early Record-Keeping System in Ancient China

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Is it possible to demonstrate the existence of cord knotting in ancient China, and if so, how might it have influenced the evolution of the Chinese writing system?In this paper I am aiming to examine the existence of cord knotting in ancient China and its potential influence on the evolution of Chinese writing. By reviewing extant Chinese scholarship and comparing cord knotting practices with similar mnemonic and accounting devices worldwide, I propose that although cord knotting predates Chinese writing, it did not directly lead to its development; rather, it evolved contemporaneously as an independent system of record keeping, that later contributed stylistic elements to the formation of Chinese characters. Cord knotting served as a mnemonic tool for recording labour days, wages, loans, and other vital economic transactions, and its visual conventions may have contributed to the formation of the silk classifier found in many Chinese characters. This study situates cord knotting within broader global practices while reevaluating traditional Chinese texts, suggesting that the aesthetic and functional elements of knotted cords played a significant role in the emergence and evolution of Chinese logographs.Building on this claim, the paper develops three lines of argument. First, it establishes a global comparative baseline for ‘rope media’ by synthesizing Cyrus L. Day’s tripartite typology—magical/apotropaic, mnemonic (numerical and cultural), and practical knots—and by reviewing rich cross-cultural cases such as the Andean khipu, Polynesian and North American mnemonic cords, Hawaiian ‘tax-gatherer’s memorandum cords’, and the Ryukyuan warazan straw-cord counting system. These analogues demonstrate that knot-based records can sustain durable administrative functions—time-reckoning, tribute accounting, genealogical recall—without becoming phonographic writing. They therefore provide a plausible technological ecology within which a Chinese cord-record system could have coexisted with, but remained distinct from, early script.The study re-examines Chinese classical references to cord knotting (Yi·xici, Shuowen postface, Zheng Xuan’s commentaries, Wenxin diaolong, Zhuangzi, and ethnographic notices) not as direct proof but as cultural memory of an administrative practice. To avoid what I call ‘textual primacy bias’, these sources are balanced against palaeographic and archaeological evidence. Applying Demattè’s criteria for identifying precursors to Shang script, the paper concludes that cord knotting does not qualify as writing in the strict sense, functioning instead as a mnemonic aid for counting and verification. Claims that rope impressions, such as those at Dadiwan, represent archives of records are re-evaluated and more plausibly interpreted as constructional remains, though they still confirm rope’s availability in the Neolithic.At the same time, a narrower stylistic influence is proposed in line with Keightley’s ‘visual pun’ model, whereby script signs schematize familiar tools and practices. Early forms of 糸 and related graphs (叀, 專, 傳) may encode the cord, the knot, the knot-keeper, and the act of transmission. Other graphs tied to numbers, contracts, and genealogy (e.g., 廿, 卅, 卌, 貰, 貸, 世, 孫) plausibly echo domains where knot records were used—tallying, valuing, and marking descent. This does not imply a linear derivation of writing from cords, but rather that knotting culture provided visual and conceptual resources for scribes.Cord knotting is therefore best understood as a parallel technology that was eventually supplanted by graphemic writing, yet left stylistic fingerprints in early Chinese script, particularly within silk-classifier graphs and administrative vocabulary. While perishable materials make direct proof unlikely, archaeological preconditions—rope production, counting needs, and social complexity—support the plausibility of such systems. In this light, writing in China developed independently but might have absorbed aspects of cord knotting’s visual and semantic logic.

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Umbilical cord knots
  • Mar 1, 2000
  • Acta Obstetricia et Gynecologica Scandinavica
  • Torgrim Sørnes

Background. Umbilical cord knots may represent a hazard to the fetus, particularly as regards intrauterine death and fetal distress or asphyxia in labor. The object of this study was to analyze the impact of associated umbilical cord encirclements and cord length on fetal outcome and fetal weight deviation.Methods. Among 22,012 births occurring in Akershus Central Hospital, there were 216 instances of umbilical cord knots. Fetal outcome, fetal weight deviation, associated umbilical cord encirclements and cord length were assessed.Results. Neonates with a knotted cord are more often large‐for‐gestational age compared to other babies, and have longer umbilical cords. There is a 10 times higher chance of intrauterine fetal death with a knotted cord, but if this does not occur then there is no increased risk of obstetrical intervention and Apgar scores are the same as in other babies and other fetuses.Conclusion. There is an association between umbilical cord knots and umbilical cord encirclements. Knotting of the cord is not by itself lethal. Pregnancies with knotted cords have characteristics different from those with ordinary umbilical cord encirclements.

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  • Cite Count Icon 46
  • 10.1080/j.1600-0412.2000.079003157.x
Umbilical cord knots.
  • Jan 1, 2000
  • Acta Obstetricia et Gynecologica Scandinavica
  • Torgrim Sørnes

Umbilical cord knots may represent a hazard to the fetus, particularly as regards intrauterine death and fetal distress or asphyxia in labor. The object of this study was to analyze the impact of associated umbilical cord encirclements and cord length on fetal outcome and fetal weight deviation. Among 22,012 births occurring in Akershus Central Hospital, there were 216 instances of umbilical cord knots. Fetal outcome, fetal weight deviation, associated umbilical cord encirclements and cord length were assessed. Neonates with a knotted cord are more often large-for-gestational age compared to other babies, and have longer umbilical cords. There is a 10 times higher chance of intrauterine fetal death with a knotted cord, but if this does not occur then there is no increased risk of obstetrical intervention and Apgar scores are the same as in other babies and other fetuses. There is an association between umbilical cord knots and umbilical cord encirclements. Knotting of the cord is not by itself lethal. Pregnancies with knotted cords have characteristics different from those with ordinary umbilical cord encirclements.

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Scrapie and the Origin of the Chinese "Itchy"
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I read the Letter “Scrapie in ancient China?” by R. B. Wickner (5 Aug. 2005, p. [874][1]) with interest. Wickner proposes that scrapie, the transmissible spongiform encephalopathy found in sheep, was known in ancient China, and as evidence he offers that the Chinese character “itchy” (![

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Chinese Popular Prints (review)
  • Mar 1, 1998
  • China Review International
  • David Johnson

Reviews 197© 1998 by University ofHawai'i Press its arguments should be seriously considered by all scholars ofliterary and cultural studies. Gregory Lee University ofHong Kong Gregory Lee is an associateprofessor in comparative literature and cultural studies. John Lust. Chinese Popular Prints. Handbuch der Orientalistik, vierte abteilung, China, band 11 (Handbook oforiental studies, part 4, China, vol. 11). Leiden, New York, Köln: E. J. Brill, 1996. xiv, 352 pp. Hardcover, U.S. $149.50, isbn 90-04-10472-0. This is an expensive book on a fascinating topic, published by the venerable house ofBrill in its prestigious Handbook ofOriental Studies series. Unfortunately it is a grievous disappointment on every level, from editing to analysis. The book does not appear to have undergone even rudimentary editing. There are incomplete sentences, singular verbs with plural subjects, orphan parentheses (page 82, line 2), mismatches between note reference numbers and footnote texts (notes 34 to 37 of chapter 3), specific references to books that are not identified (page 81, third paragraph, and note 14), abbreviated references in notes to works that are not in the Bibliography (page 249 note 11 cites "Hou Ching-Ian [sic], 1975," which cannot be found in the Bibliography; the reference is probably to Hou Jinglan, Monnaies d'offrande et la notion de trésorerie dans la religion chinoise, which is not in the Bibliography either), and so on and on. Beyond these technical matters, the writing is often extremely unclear. One example among many is this, on page 82: "Mianzhu or Chengdu do not on the surface have taken on the specific art and intellectual drive ofHebei and the provinces ofthe Yangtze Delta region, but it participated in the general traditions of popular art." Careless writing combined with poor organization, even within paragraphs, make the book very difficult to read. The book's six chapters—"Introduction ," "History," "Printmakers and Printshops," "Society, Symbolism and Visual Pun," "Categories of Popular Prints and Their Display," and "Technical Terms"—do not present a coherent, ordered survey of the subject, either historical or topical. There is no discernible argument or conceptual structure. Instead, there is a mass ofill-digested information and unsubstantiated opinion that only the most determined researcher will be able to sort through successfully. 198 China Review International: Vol. 5, No. 1, Spring 1998 Three other very serious technical problems must be mentioned. First, the footnoting is scandalously weak, especially for a work presented to an unsuspecting public as a "handbook." There are mistakes (for example, "no. 76" in note 16 on page 30 should be "p. 7"), incomplete references (for example, note 124 on page 89 does not give page numbers), and above all, lack of any documentation whatsoever in passage after passage. Second, the visual documentation—twentysix reproductions in one section at the beginning of the book—is entirely inadequate . To assess the author's statements about specific prints, or even understand them, die reader must have at his elbow seven or eight illustrated volumes ofwoodblock prints that only the largest sinological libraries are likely to have. This is a crippling shortcoming, and inexcusable in a book this expensive. Third, there are no Chinese characters anywhere in the book, an unbelievable lapse for a sinological handbook and one that is especially damaging in this case, since Lust devotes a great deal of space to terminology. Problems of conceptualization and interpretation are also severe. To begin with, there is no careful definition of what is meant by "popular print." We are eventually told in passing on page 242 that "in this book popular prints covers all prints of an illustrative sort," which suggests that a Chinese woodblock print is "popular" by definition. But were elegant and expensive productions of Yangliuqing and Suzhou, to which the author so frequently turns, "popular"? If so, what definition of "popular" is being used? Lust recognizes that there were different audiences for different kinds of prints—an important point—but makes no serious effort to show what effect this had on their style and content. All he has to offer on this matter is the brief section on "The Publics" (pages 129-133), which reviews late imperial social stratification but leaves the connection between social...

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