‘They passed this way and touched our lives’: Some musing on the idea of township

This study shows that occupations in South Africa are segregated and stratified by gender. While some women (mostly Black and “Coloured”) overwhelmingly fill low-paying jobs, others (mostly White and Indian/Asian, but also Coloured) tend to fill higher-paying professional positions. This paper finds evidence of a long-term reduction in gender segregation and stratification, with women and men entering occupations previously dominated by the other gender, although this trend is sensitive to several data considerations. Most recent evidence, however, points to stagnation in this process. Distinct worker characteristics by gender – including education, location, or age – cannot explain the existing segregation or women's overrepresentation in low-paying jobs, compared with men's representation. They do partially explain the overrepresentation of women in some higher-paying positions and the declining stratification of the labor market by gender. Education is the primary driver for upward mobility for women and gender equality in the South African labor market. Note: This study follows the current South African government’s usage of the racial category “Coloured,” with the caveat that the term is not in acceptable use outside South Africa. HIGHLIGHTS Gendered occupations and pay gaps in South Africa have not been adequately studied. Black women suffer double labor segregation in South Africa, by gender and by race. Post-apartheid progress in reducing labor segregation has been faster by gender than by race. Improved education offers women a route to better-paid professional occupations Although women now access better jobs, managerial positions remain disproportionately male.

The origins, nature and effects of ideological apartheid in post-1948 South Africa has attracted a vast research effort from scholars in a wide range of different disciplines. A good deal of their work has focussed on the economic underpinnings of apartheid in general, and the impact of racially discriminatory labour legislation in particular. But the sheer complexity of apartheid labour regulation has left many interesting questions unanswered.2 One such question hinges on the asymmetric incidence of labour apartheid on public and private sector employment patterns in South Africa. To date attempts to explain this empirically well-established phenomenon have relied on assumptions which simply assert the more rigorous application of discriminatory legislation in the public sector.3 The present paper seeks to explain a greater incidence of labour apartheid in the South African public sector by employing a theory of non-market failure.

This article examines apartheid in South Africa and uses Mills (1992) theoretical framework of the Racial Contract to understand how this system operated and flourished in South Africa. To explicate Mills‟ position about racism, this paper draws from the different tenets of Critical Race Theory (CRT) where applicable. It begins by providing an illuminating overview of apartheid in South Africa and uses education, legislation and religion as examples to help unpack the racial inequalities that were rampant in the then South Africa. It further explains the Racial Contract and uses it as an analytical tool to interrogate racism in South Africa. Mills‟ argument is that the racial contract was never a contract since it was nonconsensual, hence negating the validity of its existence in South Africa. Mills contends that the Racial Contract is still in force and now operates in a more de facto stance. This paper recommends that for South Africa to transform it has to understand the „modus operandi‟ of racism from a Critical Race Theory perspective in order to unearth the subtle nature of its manifestation in the post-apartheid era.

This article examines apartheid in South Africa and uses Mills (1992) theoretical framework of the Racial Contract to understand how this system operated and flourished in South Africa. To explicate Mills’ position about racism, this paper draws from the different tenets of Critical Race Theory (CRT) where applicable. It begins by providing an illuminating overview of apartheid in South Africa and uses education, legislation and religion as examples to help unpack the racial inequalities that were rampant in the then South Africa. It further explains the Racial Contract and uses it as an analytical tool to interrogate racism in South Africa. Mills’ argument is that the racial contract was never a contract since it was nonconsensual, hence negating the validity of its existence in South Africa. Mills contends that the Racial Contract is still in force and now operates in a more de facto stance. This paper recommends that for South Africa to transform it has to understand the ‘modus operandi’ of racism from a Critical Race Theory perspective in order to unearth the subtle nature of its manifestation in the post-apartheid era.

Reflections on BDS

This is a study of United States' policy towards South Africa between 1976 and 1986, the important period in the history of their relationship. It sets out to explain that there had never been a basic shift in successive U.S. policies towards the Republic. The driving force behind the Ford, Carter and Reagan doctrines towards Southern Africa, with focus on South Africa, had been to secure the U.S. national interests---economic and military/strategic. These policies, however, were based on belief of negotiated settlement to achieve majority rule in the region, and were critical of the apartheid system in South Africa. Throughout the period under discussion, South Africa has never remained important in U.S. policy planning, except the period of the mid 1980s, when it attracted the attention of high-level policy-makers, including the President and the Congress. It was during this time that the Republic appeared as a major political issue of U.S. domestic constituencies and on foreign policy agenda. It was partly because of the well publicized crisis in South Africa, and partly because of the Reagan administration's attitude towards the anti-apartheid groups. The combination of these factors had led the defeat of the Reagan administration's policy of constructive engagement and the implementation of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986 in which Congress, under public pressure, deviced its policy towards South Africa.

Journal Article The Economic Aspects of Native Segregation in South Africa Get access The Economic Aspects of Native Segregation in South Africa. By John Kirk, Foreword by C. T. Loram. (London: P. S. King & Son, Ltd., 1929. 148 pp. 6s.) H. R. T. H. R. T. Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar African Affairs, Volume XXIX, Issue CXIV, January 1930, Pages 216–217, https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a100212 Published: 01 January 1930

Series Foreword by Randall M. Miller Preface Chronology of Events The End of Apartheid in South Africa Explained Historical Background Racial Separation The Parties and the Process of Transition Internal and External Pressure Challenges of a New Democracy Biographies: The Personalities Behind Apartheid and Its End Primary Documents of the End of Apartheid in South Africa Glossary of Selected Terms Annotated Bibliography Index

The Soweto riots of 1976 and the violent response by the state authorities cast the South African conflict further into the ‘political spotlight’ and created a unique platform for the ANC to internationalise the wrong doings of the apartheid state. The political capital acquired by the liberation movement after Soweto resulted in an avalanche of foreign aid primarily directed towards creating ‘alternative’ forms of government. The mid to late 1980s witnessed a proliferation of civil society organisations which, coupled with the imposition of economic sanctions, played a contributory role in creating the ‘stalemate’ of the late 1980s which led to the collapse of apartheid. By the eighties (and particularly from September 1994), it was clear to ever socio-political analyst that South Africa was experiencing a revolution in the making. Part of the revolutionary strategy included the strategy of ungovernability and the development of alternative structures, such as street committees, civic associations, people’s courts, mass mobilisation and mass action. Indeed, a total alternative society developed alongside the existing apartheid South Africa. (De Kock, 1993: 7–9) The civil society base upon which South Africa’s transition to democracy was achieved consisted of a plethora of non-governmental bodies engaged in a vast range of ‘semi-governmental activity’.

Unarguably, the South African Police during the apartheid era was characterised by brutality and state repression, including the political executions of several South African citizens who dared oppose the apartheid regime. The post-apartheid era has also witnessed deaths of citizens at the hands of the police during demonstrations, demanding better service delivery, higher wages, improved working conditions, and an end to marginalisation and poverty. The author presents some cases of police human rights violations concerning policing citizen’s protests. This is a qualitative study, relying on extensive literature review by previous researchers. The findings of this study are: The South Africa Police Service continues to violate citizen's right to protest, which is enshrined in the Republic of South Africa’s constitution under chapter 2 “Bill of Rights” and other international legal jurisprudence. The South African police have failed to perform their duties professionally and effectively when it comes to policing protests. Crown management remains an elusive issue both during the apartheid and post-apartheid eras. The author recommends a demilitarization of the police consistent with the South African government policy recommendation, found in the National Development Plan 2030.

Namibia—the First Postapartheid Democracy Joshua Bernard Forrest (bio) Namibia became a free nation in March 1990, after 75 years of South African colonial rule. It has been functioning as a multiparty democracy ever since. Its people had suffered the same racially and ethnically based legalized inequalities that existed in South Africa itself. During the course of their long years in exile abroad, however, Namibia's black nationalist politicians had generated an abiding commitment to national reconciliation, which came to be shared by the domestic white community as a result of internal political reforms that long preceded the abolition of apartheid in South Africa. Consequently, black and white political leaders in Namibia were able to establish a postapartheid political framework that has thus far proved conducive to the success of democratic institutions. Their experience holds important lessons for South Africa's newly elected interim government. Namibia's contemporary multiparty democracy can best be appreciated in its historical context. South West Africa, as Namibia was previously called, had been initially colonized by Germany between 1884 and 1915. During this period, the Germans dispossessed indigenous Africans of their land in the central and southern areas of the country, which came to be known as the "police zone." This process was hastened by the wars of mass annihilation conducted by German troops against the Nama and Herero peoples from 1904 to 1907, which resulted in the deaths of between one-half and two-thirds of the members of these groups. The rural areas within the police zone were settled by German farmers, while Windhoek, the colonial capital, was built on the central plateau. The far-northern regions bordering Angola, densely populated by the Ovambo, [End Page 88] Kavango, and several smaller ethnic groups, were located outside the police zone and remained politically untouched by German colonialism. At the beginning of the First World War, South African troops, prodded by Britain, seized control of the colony and imposed military rule for the duration of the war. In 1919, the League of Nations mandated control of the territory to Britain, which in turn conferred it upon the Union of South Africa, whose responsibility for the colony the League confirmed in 1920. Over the next several decades, Pretoria consolidated its rule by hardening the division between the white-dominated police zone and the largely black far-northern and far-eastern regions—known then as "native reserves." African chiefs in the reserves were coerced or bribed into sending large numbers of young men to work temporarily (under a system of pass laws) in mines, in towns, or on farms located within the police zone. A South African-appointed administrator-general ruled South West Africa with extensive executive and policy-making powers and the assistance of an all-white, elected Legislative Assembly whose writ covered only the police zone. South Africa determined policy within the native reserves and remained exclusively responsible for South West Africa's legal system (in all regions) and for its police, military, transport, customs policies, and foreign affairs. The National Party of South Africa, which came to power in 1948, appointed the Odendaal Commission in 1962 to devise a plan for the implementation in South West Africa of the same ethnically segregated "homeland" system of apartheid that was already being established within South Africa itself. The Odendaal plan that emerged essentially preserved the native reserve system already in place in the far-northern and far-eastern regions by declaring these regions "homelands," with tiny black reserves within the police zone being joined to form contiguous homelands.1 This plan, implemented in the late 1960s, was complemented by the establishment of black legislative or administrative councils in each of the ten homelands. In 1977, South Africa convened a conference at Turnhalle, Windhoek, of political parties or organizations representing each of the 11 major ethnic groups (including whites), out of which it had hoped to establish a new government. The apartheid-like character of this effort (the ethnic leadership groups emerged, for the most part, out of the ethnic homelands) produced an international outcry, leading to Pretoria's abandonment of the plan. A consequence of the conference, however, was the emergence of the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance...

Queering Hip-Hop, Queering the City: Dope Saint Jude’s Transformative Politics

In this article we argue that while apartheid, boycotts and South African sport have received significant coverage and focus, this has primarily been restricted to Britain and former white colonies of the Commonwealth such as Australia and New Zealand. In addition, sports such as cricket and rugby receive most attention. We argue that it is useful to consider other countries and sports engaged in apartheid South Africa. We consider Swedish engagement with apartheid South Africa and focus the case study of our analysis on the tour by champions Djurgården to the country in 1955. The tourists received favourable and widespread support in South Africa and Sweden. Yet towards the end of the tour sections of the Swedish press asked critical and probing questions of the club's tour to South Africa. We contend that the tour can be viewed as naïve and apolitical and in a similar vein to the organization of Swedish sports at that time. Only after the intensification of suppression of opposition to apartheid in South Africa from the 1960s onwards do we see a change in stance on the part of Swedish sports authorities.

This work has been motivated by the debates concerning the questions and issues of racism in South Africa up to the end of the 1980s. The work analyses the practice of racism from an inter-disciplinary perspective, based on Michel Foucault’s texts. It develops a conceptual and historical framework which itself has been derived and elaborated from that analysis. It covers three hundred years of South African history based to a large extent on primary sources. In critical ways it differs from the standpoint of the dominant Marxist and Liberal accounts of South African historiography until the end of apartheid. It attempts to avoid some of the pitfalls into which analysts from these schools have tended to fall in their contribution to the race-class debate on colonialism, segregation and apartheid in South Africa.

With the end of apartheid in South Africa, and the conclusion of an era in the history of the Church in which the definitive challenge to respond to apartheid dominated theological discourse, space has emerged, gaps have arisen in public life into which leap a thousand new challenges. The context of apartheid has become, in socio-psychological terms at least, a multiplicity of new contexts. How are we to theologise now, without relinquishing what we have learned before (for to do so would be to disrespect history, and to disrespect history would be to dishonor those whose sacrifices in the past enable important possibilities in the present). This article reflects on three paradoxes, or aporiai, which open up new possibilities for imagining the theological task in a post-apartheid era in South Africa. These are the oppositions between space and time, between body and spirit, and between truth as revealed and concealed. The first opposition helps us to answer the question: Has the liberation paradigm in theology become obsolete? The second opposition poses the problem of the Cartesian splits between mind-body, God-world, internal-external, personal-social which has so bedeviled our theological work in South Africa and so limited our capacity to account for reality as one (the problem is encapsulated in the well-worn adage that politics and religion do not mix). The third opposition undermines all attempts either to close down communication between ourselves and the Other on the grounds that we have the truth, or to impose upon the Other our understanding of reality in the name of truth. This last opposition poses the question of apophatic theology in its most acute form, namely: Can we live out of faith without requiring that we possess it for our own? If we can, then our encounter with the Other in the meeting of contexts may be fruitful in reshaping the theological task, and that is what I will argue. These three components of the discussion are not systematically linked (though they can be). Rather, arising from my own questions as a result of an interpretation of the religiously informed, practically located symbolic universe of a local base community in Natal, they will take the form of parallel approaches to the same issue: the nature of the theological task in a society in transition. Each component is introduced in relation to the work of a particular scholars whose thought seems to be especially helpful in dealing with my questions. The whole may be seen as an experiment, a work in progress, a setting out of certain problems in order to state them more clearly (hopefully), and to expose this particular formulation of these problems to others for comment an criticism.