‘There’s a good reason they are called al- Qaeda in Iraq. They are al- Qaeda . . . in . . . Iraq.’ The impossibility of a global counter- terrorism strategy, or the end of the nation state

Title: Torture, terrorism and the rule of law in International security and cooperation Part I covers the vulnerability of the rule of law in the fight against international terrorism: demonstrated by the Al Masri / CIA case and equivocal US administration´s positions on the use of torture:International security and the rule of law in turmoil ? Part II discusses the World security situation , global World order after the Sept. 11 attacks and after the US-led wars against Afghanistan and the Iraq and the impact on the United Nations´, NATO´s and the European Union´s role in international security and cooperation: The torture issue in the fight against AL Qaeda generated terrorism does increase global risks and new risks to Europe´s security situation. Dilemma problems of collective international security policy if credibility of western values is at stake by violations of human rights in the fight against terrorism ; revival of the nation state in strategic doctrine and foreign policy and the impact on NATO and the European Union´s role in the Afghanistan and Iraqi war theatre. Part III, Conclusion : launching a new design of international security and cooperation in USA- EU transatlantic relationship under the rule of law and human rights : The transatlantic relationship , the USA, the European Union and NATO, are challenged to practice an unconditional commitment to the rule of law, to human rights thus contributing to strengthening cooperative multilateralism in international security and cooperation through restoring credibility of common universal values.

The issue of terrorism is one of the problems that have long plagued societies for various and interrelated reasons. This issue is being renewed at certain times with sharpness and fanaticism, which may destroy the structures and foundations of stability of societies. Iraq has suffered like similar societies that have been plagued by new forms of extremism and terrorism, Not only the loss of life,s and the bloodshed in the most heinous forms of murder, violence, humiliation, destruction of the infrastructure, social and economic, the destruction of cities and the waste of public money, but also contributed to violent shocks that spread to self, identity, The difficult faced by Iraq, and hit the international system Bartdadat reached the regional and European countries. The issue of terrorism, extremism and extremism has emerged in international issues affecting the local and regional environment, which has led many concerned to develop visions of how to deal with this danger and how to manage crises in the wake of terrorist attacks around the world.

<p>The “Islamisation” of Indonesia has exerted a transformative force on every aspect of Indonesian society. That process continues today. It has created streams of change and continuity in thoughts, ideologies and practices, of enormous complexity. Strict doctrinal interpretation of Koranic text is not a new phenomenon, contrary to what some reports in the mass media might suggest. Its roots stretch back at least as far as the 1800s with the outbreak of violent conflicts between those urging a stricter, scripturalist application of Islam, and those adhering to traditionalist and colonialist ideologies --culminating in the Padri war of West Sumatra of 1821-38. Indicating an ostensible continuity of ideology, modern extremist ideologues, such as Abu Bakar Bashir, urge their followers toward violent conflict and terrorist actions based on an ideology of strict “Middle Eastern” interpretation of fundamental Islamic tenets. This paper argues that the strategies of those carrying out radical and violent ideologies are undergoing change, as are the strategies of the authorities tasked with combating them. Radical groups have displayed a shift away from large-scale, attacks on symbolic foreign targets towards low-level violence primarily aimed at law enforcement authorities. Authorities, on the other hand, have shown a greater tendency to shoot dead those suspected of involvement with violent radical groups. This paper will examine the changing strategies of violent radical groups and the continuity, and evolution, of the underlying Islamic ideology that provides religious justification for their violent acts. The paper will argue that engaging Indonesia’s politically active youth in an ideological dialogue on Islamism and democracy provides the best prospect for disengagement from, and breaking the cycle of recruitment for, radical violence and terrorism.</p><p>[Proses panjang Islamisasi di Indonesia telah menghasilkan kekuatan transformatif di seluruh aspek kehidupan masyarakat Indonesia. Proses ini terus berlangsung hingga sekarang serta menciptakan gelombang perubahan berkesinambungan dalam pemikiran, ideologi, dan praktik-praktik dalam kompleksitas yang rumit. Penafsiran kaku atas ayat-ayat Quran sebenarnya bukanlah sesuatu yang baru, berbeda dengan apa yang selama ini diasumsikan di media. Fenomena seperti ini dapat dirunut kembali pada era 1800an, khususnya pada konflik bersenjata yang terjadi antara penganjur penerapan tekstual ajaran Islam dengan para penganut ideologi tradisional dan penjajah, yang berpuncak pada Perang Padri di Sumatra Barat tahun 1821-38. Dengan ideologi serupa, para ideolog modern dari kelompok garis keras, seperti Abu Bakar Bashir, mendorong pengikutnya untuk melakukan aksi kekerasan dan teror dengan mendasarkan diri pada ideologi ala Timur Tengah dengan penafsiran dasar-dasar Islam secara kaku. Tulisan ini mendalilkan bahwa strategi kelompok yang mengusung ideologi radikal dan kekerasan terus mengalami perubahan seiring perubahan strategi penguasa dalam menghadapi mereka. Strategi kelompok radikal telah berubah dari penyerangan berskala besar terhadap simbol-simbol asing bergeser pada kekerasan berskala kecil terutama pada persoalan penerapan hukum. Pemerintah, di sisi lain, cenderung mengambil tindakan tegas terhadap mereka yang diduga terlibat kekerasan kelompok radikal. Tulisan ini juga melihat perubahan-perubahan dan kesinambungan strategi dari kelompok radikal serta evolusi ideologi Islam yang menjustifikasi aksi-aksi kekerasan. Kesimpulan lainnya adalah bahwa keterlibatan kalangan muda dalam kegiatan dialog mengenai Islam dan demokrasi menjadikan mereka terhindar sekaligus memutus rantai rekrutmen gerakan radikal dan terorisme.]</p>

At the end of the 60’s, as a result of a military coup, Iraqi Ba’ath Party seized power under the leadership of Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr, named president of Iraq, and Saddam Hussein, al-Bakr’s deputy, but actually the strong man and the moving force behind the new Ba’athist regime. The Ba’athist government immediately addressed the country’s major domestic problems, such as controlling domestic oil resources and developing an independent national oil industry, which until then had been owned and managed by some of the largest oil companies in the Western world. The nationalization of the Iraqi oil supplies, decided by the Ba’athist regime in 1972 interlocked with the Arab-Israel dispute and the outbreak of the Yom Kippur War, which led – as is known to the energy crisis of 1973, with sharp increases in oil prices, production cutbacks and destination embargos by the Arab Countries. In view of the growing economic and political role of the Arab Countries and of Iraq in particular, Italy called for a policy aimed at supporting Arab stance in the dispute with Israel and concluding agreements with Ba’athist regime in order to obtain large quantities of crude oil in exchange of goods and services, so as to contribute to local economic development. Even though it was a time of social and political turmoil in Italy, marked by a wave of terrorism and unrest, Italy’s «oil-for-goods» strategy towards Iraq was quite successful, as Italian State and private companies obtained major contracts covering a variety of important projects, so much so that during the 70’s Iraq became one of Italy’s main oil suppliers.

پس از یازده سپتامبر و فراهم‌شدن زمینه تحقق افکار استراتژیست‌های نومحافظه‌کار، دکترین تغییر رژیم برای حذف حکومت‌های چالش‌ساز هژمونی ایالات متحده، در کانون راهبرد امنیت ملی آمریکا قرار گرفت. تصمیم‌سازان نومحافظه‌کار، با تمرکز بر راهبرد تغییر رژیم‌های چالش‌گر (حذف حکومت‌های ستیزه‌جو و ورشکسته و سپس ایجاد دولت جانشین)، وارد عرصه عملیاتی سیاست خارجی شدند. گام نخست را در افغانستان و عراق با انجام تهاجم نظامی گسترده پشت سرگذاشتند. روند تدوین قوانین اساسی جدید افغانستان در سال 1382/2004 و در عراق به سال 1384/2005، رخ داده است. نگارنده تلاش می‌کند نشان دهد که کدام‌یک از مؤلفه‌های جغرافیایی در قوانین اساسی نوپیدای دو کشور، بروز یافته‌اند. نگارنده نوشتار پیش‌رو، بر پایه یک پژوهش توصیفی و با درنظرداشت روش مقایسه‌ای، کوشش می‌کند نشان دهد که چگونه مؤلفه‌های جغرافیایی در نگارش قوانین اساسی جدید، ایفای نقش می‌کنند. بنیان نگارش مقاله، بهره‌گیری از ایده‌ی پیوند فضا و سیاست است و نگارنده کوشیده است قانون اساسی را به‌منزله دستاورد پیوند حقوق و سیاست، به جغرافیا پیوند زند.

Abstract: Since the attacks of September 11th , 2001, which immediately two resolutions on terrorism on 11 and 28 September, 1373- 1368 were approved by the Security Council, as well as two great nations of Afghanistan and Iraq were occupied by the international coalition, the world witnessed the creation of the global alliance against terrorism led by the United States. The following year, Arab countries, the US and Turkey participated in the meeting in Jeddah again. At the end of the meeting, a statement by the United States and six countries in the Persian Gulf exported commitment that common efforts to combat the Islamic State terrorist group would be justified. The aim of this study is to investigate the conflict or compliance of international military coalition with international standards and in particular with fundamental principles of international law by answering the question of whether the formation of an international coalition to fight terrorism within the framework of international standards can be justified? In this study it is assumed that the international coalition fighting terrorism in stopping violence, keeping the peace and international security and international human rights law are justified or not. KEYWORDS: military action, terrorism, international coalition, Iraq, Syria.

Indonesian police through Densus 88 have analyzed and predicted the strategy of terrorism in Indonesia, which was important to note that those Indonesian terrorist are males. In short, the Indonesian terrorists need to set up their strategy of attack. Will the Indonesian terrorists build a new strategy with taking involve woman within the strategy? This paper aims to understand the involvement of women terrorist in some suicide actions in global context. To sum up, this paper argues that the emergence of women terrorist in Indonesia are possible, yet it requires the precedence conditions of world women terrorists in global contexts.

? (To Kill the Hope? In Search of Reliable Strategy for Fighting Terrorism)

The participation of women in the landscape of warfare is increasingly visible; nowhere is this more evident than in the US military’s global endeavors. The US military’s reliance on cultural intelligence in its conceptualization of engagement strategies has resulted in the articulation of specific gendered roles in warfare. Women are thought to be particularly well suited to non-violent tactile engagements with civilians in war zones in Iraq and Afghanistan because of gender segregation in public and private spaces. Women in the military have consequently been able to argue for recognition of their combat service by framing this work in the war zone as work only women can do. Women reporters have been able to develop profiles as media producers, commentators, and experts on foreign policy, women, and the military by producing intimate stories about the lives of civilians only they can access. The work soldiers and reporters do is located in the warzone, but in the realms of the domestic and social, in the periods between bursts of violent engagement. These women are deployed as mediators between civilian populations in Afghanistan and Iraq and occupying forces for different but related purposes. Soldiers do the auxiliary work of combat in these encounters, reporters produce knowledge that undergirds the military project. Their work in combat zones emphasizes the interpersonal and relational as forms of tactile engagement. In these roles, they are also often mediating between the “temporary” infrastructure of the war zone and occupation, and the “permanent” infrastructure of nation state, local government, and community. The work women do as soldiers and reporters operates effectively with the narrative of militarism as a means for liberating women, reinforcing the perception of the military as an institution that is increasingly progressive in its attitudes towards membership, and in its military strategies. When US military strategy focuses on cultural practice in Arab and Muslim societies, commanders operationalize women soldiers in the tactics of militarism, the liberation of Muslim women becomes central in news and governmental discourses alike, and the notion of “feminism” is drawn into the project of US militarism in Afghanistan and Iraq in complex ways that elucidate how gender, equality, and difference, can be deployed in service of warfare.

علاقة الفساد السياسي مع تفشي ظاهرة الارهاب هي علاقة وثيقة، ولكنها غير مباشرة ومثال ذلك المجتمع العراقي بين عامي 2003 - 2014 . تأتي اهمية هذه الدراسة ، في تشخيص طبيعة العلاقة بين ظاهرتي الفساد السياسي والارهاب و معرفة تداعياتها على امن واستقرار المجتمع العراقي ، مما يساعد المهتمين بالشأن السياسي على ايجاد الحلول السلمية لها . اما اشكالية البحث فتكمن في السؤال التالي هل العلاقة مباشرة ام غير مباشرة بين انتشار الفساد السياسي وممارسة الارهاب داخل المجتمع العراقي؟ واعتمد البحث على المنهج الوصفي والتحليلي كمنهجين من مناهج البحث العلمي كونهما متعددي الاتجاهات بالتالي وصل البحث الى نتيجة مفادها بان الفساد السياسي هو الاخطر مقارنة مع باقي انواع الفساد ، إذ يقود الفساد السياسي بشكل مباشر الى عدة مشاكل سياسية و اجتماعية و اقتصادية كالفقر و البطالة و التهميش و كل ذلك يؤدي الى نشوب ظاهرة الارهاب و بصورة مباشرة.

At the height of the Arab Spring protests in 2011, Syrian civil society entered a downward spiral into chaos. Initially peaceful protests against President Bashar al-Assad eventually morphed into an armed rebellion. As the war has grown exponentially, so has the devastation of Syria and Iraq. The issue of healthcare is often left silent in the backdrop of issues prevalent in the war. Three years of government bombings and Daesh expansion have ravaged Syria’s health capacity. Daesh militants are embarking on a brutal campaign against health providers and infrastructure throughout Syria and Iraq in controlled territories. Meanwhile, Daesh is attempting to promote a healthcare delivery system among other social services in order to gain support from local populations in controlled territories, but these actions are inconsistent.1 This requires research into how Daesh attempts to create a functioning apparatus for healthcare delivery. Scholarly analysis on the topic of Daesh and its administration of healthcare remains sparse. This paper will explore the paradox in which the terrorist group operates, the bureaucracy it has created to deliver health services, the deficiencies preventing effective delivery and its governing philosophy on health. To win the war against Daesh, the traditional counterterrorism strategy advocating military force must be coupled with effective social service delivery to win over the hearts and minds of the local populations under Daesh control. In this strategy, healthcare is a crucial component of understanding and defeating Daesh.

George Herbert Walker Bush was confronted with major changes in the world in his president time. The Cold War ended after 40 years, the Communist empire collapsed and the Berlin Wall collapsed, too. The Soviet Union lost and Mikhail Gorbachev who was reformist leader and always supported by Bush had resigned. While Bush has defended the democratization, he emphasized on foreign policy cautiously toward new countries. The biggest test of George Herbert Walker Bush was the invasion of Saddam Hussein who was president of Iraq to Kuwait and threatened to invade on Saudi Arabia. Bush's commitment to support the liberation of Kuwait could gain the support of UN, American and Congress and set out 425 thousand American soldiers to Kuwait. 117 thousand American troops joined the allied forces. After bombing for weeks and a hundred-hour ground war, Iraq was defeated by the army of a million people. Iran condemned the invasion of Iraq at the time but in the UN's activities announced neutrality in relation to declare. Disarm Iraq and to establish safe areas in North and South were gains America’ about Iraq. President Bush refused the Americans to Iraq in order to maintain the regional balance toward Iran. He also ordered Iraq used his planes against the north movement by the Kurds and southern movement in Iraq by Shiites. This action caused great destruction and had many international reactions. After it ,safe zones formed in northern and southern and Iraq was banned from entering the military to the region. Designed New World Order was just after the defeat of Iraq, the Soviet Union and the Cold War. Its principles were announced b President Bush as follows: first revision of the structure of the international economic system, but only the process of this suggestion was the Uruguay Round of GATT into the WTO in 1955. These changes were more in favor of industrialized countries. Second, strengthening the UN, third preventing proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, fourth campaign against international terrorism. Finally, the issue of human rights and fundamental freedoms of the components of the new world order was proposed by President Bush.

All the Iraqi state institutions and civil society organizations should develop a deliberate systematic policy to eliminate terrorism contracted with all parts of the economic, social, civil and political institutions and important question how to eliminate Daash to a terrorist organization hostile and if he country to eliminate the causes of crime and punish criminals and not to justify any type of crime of any kind, because if we stayed in the curriculum of justifying legitimate crime will deepen our continued terrorism, but give it legitimacy formula must also dry up the sources of terrorism media and private channels and newspapers that have abused the Holy Prophet Muhammad (p) and all kinds of any of their source (a sheei or a Sunni or Christians or Sabians) as well as from the religious aspect is not only the media but a meeting there must be cooperation of both parts of the state facilities and most importantly limiting arms possession only state you can not eliminate terrorism and violence, and we see people carrying arms without the name of the state and remains somewhat carefree is sincerity honesty and patriotism the most important motivation for the elimination of violence and terrorism and cooperation between parts of the Iraqi people and not be driven by a regional or global international schemes want to kill nations and kill our bodies of Sunnis, sheei , Christians, Sabean and Yazidi and others.

Tehran has become the heart of the Middle East power center and Iran’s role in the Middle East geopolitics is undeniable. Without Iran’s perspective, understanding the future of Middle East is not possible. Nowadays, Tehran’s diplomatic and political power brokers are involved in negotiating power sharing in Afghanistan, Iraq, Lebanon, Armenia and even Syria. They are trying to expand their influence in other countries including Yemen and Bahrain. Growing complexity in the region has helped Iran to expand its influence and flex its muscles in the entire Middle East. Tehran’s policies have always been successful and currently it is in the threshold of winning position. Iranian strategy and influence have increased after the Arab Spring. The region’s dominant power Iran has extensive connection with political parties, militia, and governments of several countries even at the ground level in the region. Components of the Middle East countries wait for Tehran’s gesture during both times of peace or war. Iranian military commanders deployed in the Middle East have high level of influence in comparison to other countries. Strong security and intelligence of Iran have played significant role in bolstering its influence in Syria, Afghanistan power deal, management of Hezbollah, connection with the Hamas, Yemeni Hutu or current role in Iraq’s victory against Islamic State terrorist fighters. What can be understood is that only a joint effort of Iran and the United States will help in stabilizing the region. However, making an alliance between these two countries might prove to be a Herculean task.

This research focuses on the experiences of migrants who have ‘returned’ to the Kurdish regions of Iraq from neighbouring countries and Europe. It addresses key issues in the field of Refugee Studies, including concepts of return, understandings of home and negotiations of identity and belonging among second generation Iraqi Kurdish returnees. Scholars and researchers have often used these terms loosely and sometimes interchangeably: critical analysis informed by this research suggests that they are related but are also distinct and specific. The second-generation Iraqi Kurds taking part in the study belong to the generation of migrants who were born in diaspora countries or moved to diaspora in their early childhood from the region of Iraqi Kurdistan. These second-generation migrants have a different understanding of ‘home’ to their parents. Their upbringing in diaspora countries and transnational links to ‘homeland’ create a tension between their constructions of ‘home’ and ‘belonging’. The empirical data for this study is based upon an in-depth qualitative study of the experiences of 20 Iraqi Kurd returnees in Kurdistan, most of whom were neither born nor grew up in the KRG region, and had little or no previous experience of their ‘homeland’. Interview themes involved home, transnational ties and attachments, identity and belonging. I propose that second-generation migrants are motivated to ‘return’ because of a strong sense of belonging and a need for identity in relation to a familial and/or ancestral ‘home’. Analysing in detail the life-narratives of second-generation returnees, the research identifies multifaceted perspectives in which notions of ‘return’, ‘home’, ‘identity’ and ‘belonging’ are relevant in recent Kurdish experience. It proposes that diasporic links and networks, and earlier experiences outside the KRG, play a key role in shaping aspirations, expectations and experiences in Kurdistan. The findings from this research suggest that the factors motivating Kurdish returnee migration back to Kurdistan are sophisticated. Certainly, the analysis of my data indicates that for the second generation who have taken the decision to return to KRG region, this migration is facilitated through the social relationships and resources which are generated and sustained through their family networks. It is these family networks which make the difference between the dream or intention to return and the actual reality of doing so. The findings explain that family narratives are vital factors of the second generation’s ‘home’ constructions. However, the return experiences show that their ‘imagined home’ and ‘reality’ do not always match. The KRG region, more often referred to as homeland, is very central in respondents’ narratives. What is most noticeable for the second-generation Iraqi Kurds is that while homeland is very significant for them, no given homeland exists. The homeland is therefore an ambiguous, vague and ambivalent conception. It is mostly about a subjective feeling and individual and political constructions based on lived experiences, collective memory and history and political discourses. For them ‘home’ is a space that exceeds several territorial borders and several nation-states. The meaning of identity, home(land) and belonging for second-generation Iraqi Kurds is more situational, ambivalent and flexible.