The Yalitza Phenomenon: Indigeneity, the Decline of “Nonracism,” and the State of Mestizaje in Mexico’s Early MORENA Era

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Acknowledgments I would like to thank Paul Cammack, Adam David Morton, Stuart Shields and two anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on an earlier draft. Notes 1. James D. Wolfensohn & François Bourguignon, Development and Poverty Reduction: Looking Back, Looking Ahead (World Bank, 2004), p. 32. 2. Paul Cammack, ‘Neoliberalism, the World Bank, and the New Politics of Development’, in Uma Kothari & Martin Minogue (eds), Development Theory and Practice: Critical Perspectives (Palgrave, 2002), pp. 157–78; Paul Cammack, ‘The Mother of all Governments: The World Bank's Matrix for Global Governance’, in Rorden Wilkinson & Steve Hughes (eds), Global Governance: Critical Perspectives (Routledge, 2002), pp. 36–53; Paul Cammack, ‘The Governance of Global Capitalism’, Historical Materialism, Vol. 11, No. 2 (2003), pp. 37–59; and Paul Cammack, ‘What the World Bank Means by Poverty Reduction and Why it Matters’, New Political Economy, Vol. 9, No. 2 (2004), pp. 189–211. 3. Cammack, ‘Neoliberalism’, p. 178. 4. Cammack, ‘The Mother of all Governments’, p. 50. 5. Cammack, ‘What the World Bank Means by Poverty Reduction’, p. 197. Despite Stiglitz's somewhat acrimonious departure in January 2000, his legacy endures insofar as the logic of competition remains at the heart of World Bank political economy. The 2005 World Development Report, for example, states that that ‘a good investment climate encourages firms to invest by removing unjustified costs, risks, and barriers to competition’. What is required, therefore, is ‘an environment that fosters the competitive processes that Joseph Schumpeter called “creative destruction” – an environment in which firms have opportunities and incentives to test their ideas, strive for success, and prosper or fail’. World Bank, World Development Report 2005: A Better Investment Climate for Everyone (World Bank & Oxford University Press, 2004), p. 2. 6. Though the frame of reference for the central argument of this article is Cammack's scholarship on the governance of global capitalism, the utility of the analysis being presented certainly extends to fall within a variety of contemporary historical materialist scholarship. For example, the article could easily complement recent work on the ‘transnationalisation’ of the state. See William I. Robinson, A Theory of Global Capitalism: Production, Class, and State in a Transnational World (The John Hopkins University Press, 2004); and, for an application of the theory, William I. Robinson, Transnational Conflicts: Central America, Social Change, and Globalization (Verso, 2003). It could also serve as useful postscript to the analysis of the transnationalisation of the Mexican state by Adam David Morton, ‘Structural Change and Neoliberalism in Mexico: “Passive Revolution” in the Global Political Economy’, Third World Quarterly, Vol. 24, No. 4 (2003), pp. 631–53. However, I should stress that my research seeks to develop an approach that places investigatory primacy upon the study of ‘social form’ in capitalism and, as such, advances a different kind of dialectical analysis to that operationalised by Robinson, Morton and other contemporary theorists of ‘global economy’. By approaching the question of national reforms from a different methodological standpoint, the wider research of which this article is constitutive has arrived at qualitatively different conclusions to those of Robinson and others. For further clarification of this methodological distinction and why it is important, see the exchange between Andreas Bieler & Adam David Morton, ‘Globalisation, the State and Class Struggle: A “Critical Economy” Engagement with Open Marxism’, British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Vol. 5, No. 4 (2003), pp. 467–99; and Werner Bonefeld, ‘Critical Economy and Social Constitution: A Reply to Bieler and Morton’, British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Vol. 6, No. 2 (2004), pp. 231–37. 7. Mark E. Williams, Market Reforms in Mexico: Coalitions, Institutions, and the Politics of Policy Change (Rowman and Littlefield, 2001), p. 3. 8. See Nora Lustig, Mexico: The Remaking of an Economy (Brookings Institution, 1995); Gerardo Otero (ed.), Neoliberalism Revisited: Economic Restructuring and Mexico's Political Future (Westview Press, 1996); and Susanne Soederberg, ‘State, Crisis, and Capital Accumulation in Mexico’, Historical Materialism, Vol. 9, No. 1 (2001), pp. 61–84. 9. Here, I am paraphrasing Wolfensohn & Bourguignon, Development and Poverty Reduction, p. 2. 10. Joseph Stiglitz, ‘More Instruments and Broader Goals: Moving Toward the Post-Washington Consensus’, The WIDER Annual Lecture, Helsinki, Finland, 7 January 1998; and Joseph Stiglitz, ‘Towards a New Paradigm for Development Strategies, Policies and Processes’, Prebisch Lecture, UNCTAD, Geneva, 19 October 1998. 11. Joseph Stiglitz, ‘Distribution, Efficiency, and Voice: Designing the Second Generation of Reforms’, speech delivered during conference sponsored by the Brazilian Ministry of Land Reform and the World Bank, Asset Distribution, Poverty and Economic Growth, Brasilia, 14 July 1998. 12. Principal authors of the Viewpoints reports have included Shahid Javed Burki, a former finance minister for Pakistan, former World Bank vice president for the Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) region, and most recently the chief executive officer of Washington DC-based EMP Financial Advisors; Sebastian Edwards, a Chicago-trained economist, columnist for the Wall Street Journal, consultant to numerous international organisations and multinational firms, former World Bank Chief Economist for the LAC, and currently Henry Ford II Professor of International Business Economics at the Anderson School of Management, California; Guillermo E. Perry, former Colombian minister of finance and public credit, former Colombian senator and constitutional assemblyman, and director of LAC policy research at the Bank since 1996; and David de Ferranti, chair of the Rockefeller Foundation's finance committee, former director at the Rand policy research institute, and current Bank vice president for LAC. 13. This ‘unfinished’/‘second generation’/‘incomplete’ discourse is not confined to the Viewpoints series. See, for example, José Luis Guasch, Labor Market Reform and Job Creation: The Unfinished Agenda in Latin American and Caribbean Countries (World Bank, 1999); and Indermit S. Gill, Claudio E. Montenegro & Dörte Dömeland (eds), Crafting Labor Policy: Techniques and Lessons from Latin America (World Bank & Oxford University Press, 2002). Nor is it confined to World Bank reports for the LAC region – see, for example, United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), Productive Development in Open Economies (ECLAC, 2004). 14. Shahid Javed Burki & Sebastian Edwards, Latin America after Mexico: Quickening the Pace, Latin American and Caribbean Studies Viewpoints (World Bank, 1996), p. 11. 15. Shahid Javed Burki & Sebastian Edwards, Dismantling the Populist State: The Unfinished Revolution in Latin America and the Caribbean, Latin American and Caribbean Studies Viewpoints (World Bank, 1996), p. 25. 16. The most explicit and, at the same time, accessible exposition of this ‘deep interventionist’ competition logic can be found in World Bank, Transition – The First Ten Years: Analysis and Lessons for Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union (World Bank, 2002). 17. Burki & Edwards, Dismantling the Populist State, p. 27. 18. See, for example, Juan Luis Londoño, Poverty, Inequality, and Human Capital Development in Latin America, 1950–2025, Latin American and Caribbean Studies Viewpoints (World Bank, 1996). 19. Shahid Javed Burki & Guillermo E. Perry, The Long March: A Reform Agenda for Latin America and the Caribbean in the Next Decade, Latin American and Caribbean Studies Viewpoints (World Bank, 1997). 20. Ibid., p. 57. 21. Shahid Javed Burki & Guillermo E. Perry, Beyond the Washington Consensus: Institutions Matter, Latin American and Caribbean Studies Viewpoints (World Bank, 1998). 22. Ibid., p. 25. 23. Ibid., pp. 34–6. 24. Shahid Javed Burki, Guillermo E. Perry & William Dillinger, Beyond the Center: Decentralizing the State, Latin American and Caribbean Studies Viewpoints (World Bank, 1999), pp. 1–7. 25. David de Ferranti, Guillermo E. Perry, Indermit S. Gill & Luis Servén, with Francisco H. G. Ferreira, Nadeem Ilah, William F. Maloney & Martin Rama, Securing our Future in a Global Economy, Latin American and Caribbean Studies Viewpoints (World Bank, 2000), pp. 1–12. 26. Ibid., p. 123. 27. Ibid., p. 125. 28. David de Ferranti, Guillermo E. Perry, Daniel Lederman & William F. Maloney, From Natural Resources to the Knowledge Economy: Trade and Job Quality (World Bank, 2002). 29. Ibid., p. 2. 30. David de Ferranti, Guillermo E. Perry, Indermit Gill, J. Luis Guasch, William F. Maloney, Carolina Sánchez-Páramo & Norbert Schady, Closing the Gap in Education and Technology, Latin American and Caribbean Studies (World Bank, 2003). 31. Ibid., p. 10. 32. David de Ferranti, Guillermo E. Perry, Francisco H. G. Ferreira & Michael Walton, Inequality in Latin America and the Caribbean: Breaking with History?, Latin American and Caribbean Studies Viewpoints (World Bank, 2004). 33. Nikki Craske, ‘Another Mexican Earthquake? An Assessment of the 2 July 2000 Elections’, Government and Opposition, Vol. 36, No. 1 (2001), pp. 40–1. 34. Vicente Fox Quesada, A Los Pinos: Recuento autobiográfico y politico (Editorial Oceano de México, 1999), pp. 112–3. 35. Ramón Muñoz Gutiérrez, Pasión por un Buen Gobierno: Administración por Calidad en el gobierno de Vicente Fox, en Guanajuato (Editorial Grijalbo, 2003), pp. 9–35, 57–62, and 23. Further evidence of Fox's politics can be found in his involvement with prominent Latin American ‘third way’ political forums, such as the Grupo Mangabeira and the Grupo San Angel. Fox's first foreign minister discusses this involvement, and the content of the resulting ‘Buenos Aires consensus’, in Jorge G. Castañeda, ‘Mexico: Permuting Power’, New Left Review, No. 7 (2001), pp. 17–32. Such forums have been criticised for espousing ‘the ultimate goal of a market society of possessive individuals’: see John Gledhill, ‘Some Conceptual and Substantive Limitations of Contemporary Western (Global) Discourses of Rights and Social Justice’, in Christopher Abel & Colin M. Lewis (eds), Exclusion & Engagement: Social Policy in Latin America (Institute of Latin American Studies, 2002), pp. 131–47. 36. The Mexican Employers' Confederation (COPARMEX) had been formed in 1929 by conservative, and predominantly Catholic, Monterrey-based industrialists united in their opposition to the social reformism of the Mexican government at this time and, in particular, to the newly adopted Federal Labour Law. COPARMEX went on to cultivate a number of voluntary organisations that would later provide support for the National Action Party (PAN) and form the neopanista wing of the party, to which Fox is most closely aligned. 37. Roderic Ai Camp, Mexico's Mandarins: Crafting a Power Elite for the Twenty-First Century (University of California Press, 2002), p. 269. 38. Ibid., p. 270. 39. Roderic Ai Camp, Politics in Mexico: The Democratic Transformation (Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 183. 40. Poder Ejecutivo Federal, Plan Nacional de Desarrollo, 2001–2006 (Poder Ejecutivo Federal, 2001). 41. Ibid., pp. 21–2, my translation. 42. Secretaría del Trabajo y Previsión Social, Programa Nacional de Política Laboral, 2001–6 (Secretaría del Trabajo y Previsión Social, 2001). 43. Ibid., p. 112, my translation. 44. The discursive correspondence between the Fox government's policy documents and World Bank, World Development Report 2005: A Better Investment Climate for Everyone, is striking: ‘An investment climate that encourages growth creates sustainable jobs and opportunities for microentrepreneurs – the key pathways out of poverty for poor people, pathways that will become more crowded with coming demographic changes (p. 19). … It also encourages people to invest more in their own education and skills to take advantage of better jobs in the future. There is thus a two-way link between skills and jobs, with an improved investment climate complementing efforts to improve human development (p. 33). … There are, however, short-term costs due to changes in job characteristics and greater labour mobility in a modern, productive economy. This reinforces the importance of looking at labour market policies in the context of broader strategies, including efforts to foster a more skilled and adaptable workforce and to help workers cope with change’ (p. 142). 45. Gustavo Castro Soto, ‘The World Bank in Mexico’, Chiapas al Día, No. 236, 22 March 2001, http://www.ciepac.org/bulletins/ingles/ing236.htm, accessed on 31 January 2005. 46. ‘Directivos del Banco Mundial se reúnen con presidente de México y reafirman confianza en la economía del país’, World Bank press release, 20 January 2003. 47. See Dan Morrow (Lead Researcher), ‘Mexico: Country Assistance Evaluation’, Operations Evaluation Department, World Bank, 28 June 2001; and the author's interview with a Senior Operations Officer, Colombia and Mexico Country Management Unit, International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank Group), Mexico City, 1 December 2003. 48. Other Mexican officials present at the meetings included: Carlos Gadsen (Director General of the National Institute for Federalism and Municipal Development); Angel Gurría (Minister of Finance and Public Credit); Rodrigo Morales (Director of the Centre for Economic Investigation); Ricardo Ochoa (a Director General in the Ministry of Finance and Public Credit); Moises Pineda (now an executive at the World Bank); Cecilia Ramos (former Minister for Economic Affairs in the Mexican Embassy to the UK, and now a representative of Mexico at the World Bank); and Eduardo Sojo (the Presidential Coordinator of Public Policy). 49. Marcel M. Giugale, Olivier Lafourcade & Vinh H. Nguyen (eds), Mexico: A Comprehensive Development Agenda for the New Era (World Bank, 2001). 50. World Bank Comprehensive Development Secretariat, ‘Comprehensive Development Framework: Implementation Experience in Low- and Middle-Income Countries – Progress Report’, 26 April 2002, p. 59. 51. See Marcel M. Giugale, ‘A Comprehensive Development Agenda for the New Era: Synthesis’, in Giugale et al., Mexico: A Comprehensive Development Agenda, p. 3. 52. Ibid., pp. 15–16; also William F. Maloney, with Gladys Lopez-Acevedo & Ana Revenga, ‘Labor Markets’, in Giugale et al., Mexico: A Comprehensive Development Agenda, pp. 511–36. 53. World Bank, ‘Memorandum of the President of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and International Finance Corporation to the Executive Directors on a Country Assistance Strategy of the World Bank Group for the United Mexican States’, Report No. 23849-ME, Colombia–Mexico–Venezuela Country Management Unit, Latin America and the Caribbean Region, 23 April 2002; Ulrich Lächler (Lead Researcher), ‘Mexico: Enhancing Factor Productivity Growth’, Country Economic Memorandum, Report No. 17392-ME, Mexico Department, Latin America and the Caribbean Region, World Bank, 31 August 1998; and World Bank, ‘Memorandum of the President of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and the International Finance Corporation to the Executive Directors on a Country Assistance Strategy Progress Report of the World Bank Group for the United Mexican States’, Report No. 22147-ME, Colombia–Mexico–Venezuela Country Management Unit, Latin America and the Caribbean Region, 21 May 2001. 54. Morrow, ‘Mexico: Country Assistance Evaluation’. 55. Ibid., p. iii. 56. ‘Memorandum to the Executive Directors and the President’, 28 June 2001, in Morrow, ‘Mexico: Country Assistance Evaluation’. 57. World Bank, ‘Memorandum of the President of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and International Finance Corporation to the Executive Directors on a Country Assistance Strategy of the World Bank Group for the United Mexican States’, p. 1, emphasis added. 58. Ibid., pp. 43–50. 59. Ibid., p. 22, emphasis added. 60. Official Diary, Poder Ejecutivo Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, 6 December 2001. 61. Gillette Hall (Lead Researcher), Estrategia Desarrollo de los Estados del Sur de México, Vols. I and II (World Bank, 2003). 62. ‘México necesita combatir la pobreza en el sur para consolidar su prosperidad económica’, World Bank press release, No. 2004/012/MEX, 25 September 2003. 63. Olivier Lafourcade cited in ‘World Bank Team Offers Policy Menu’, http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/LACEXT/MEXICOEXTN/0,,contentMDK:20018971∼menuPK:338416∼pagePK:141137∼piPK:141127∼theSitePK:338397,00.html (accessed on 31 January 2005). 64. The term ‘official’ here refers to those unions that were given privileged political access to state resources under the PRI and, as a result, were able to broaden membership and defeat their adversaries within the labour movement. The dominant position of these ‘state-corporatist’ unions remained unchallenged until the 1980s and the onset of neoliberal restructuring. 65. Lächler, ‘Mexico: Enhancing Factor Productivity Growth’, pp. 91–2; Graciela Bensusán, ‘A New Scenario for Mexican Trade Unions: Changes in the Structure of Political and Economic Opportunities’, in Kevin J. Middlebrook (ed.), Dilemmas of Political Change in Mexico (Institute of Latin American Studies and Center for US–Mexican Studies, 2004), pp. 261–5; see also James G. Samstad, ‘Corporatism and Democratic Transition: State and Labor During the Salinas and Zedillo Administrations’, Latin American Politics and Society, Vol. 44, No. 4 (2002), pp. 1–28. 66. Giugale, ‘A Comprehensive Development Agenda for the New Era’, p. 15. 67. Maloney, with Lopez-Acevedo & Revenga, ‘Labor Markets’, p. 513, emphasis added. 68. This follows the typology of Mexican labour unions in Bensusán, ‘A New Scenario’, pp. 237–85. Bensusán's third type is ‘movement unionism’, which refers to those unions that are insistent about their opposition to neoliberalism and openly seek to challenge the state. 69. Abascal was quoted as follows in La Jornada, 26 May 2001: ‘In effect, there is a shared vision about the necessity to modernize labor legislation. We are in agreement with the modernization of this legislation, but we are in agreement with everyone: national and international investors, the World Bank, and workers. Everyone is in agreement because it is necessary to do it’ (my translation). 70. Kevin J. Middlebrook, ‘Mexico's Democratic Transitions: Dynamics and Prospects’, in Kevin J. Middlebrook (ed), Dilemmas of Political Change in Mexico (Institute of Latin American Studies and Center for US–Mexican Studies, 2004), p. 36. The UNT stress in their counter-proposal for labour reform that ‘the choice is not flexibility versus justice’, and neither is it between ‘productivity and the profit of the firm versus the rights of workers’ – see Unión Nacional de Trabajadores, ‘Por un Nueva Ley Federal del Trabajo para la reestructuración productiva y la transición democrática’, Trabajadores, No. 30 (2002), my translation. The compulsion to make this clear testifies to the extent of the UNT's suspicion as regards the Fox government's for labour The the state to to workers is that which from being market not that which from or Mexico Labor and a of the Mexico Labor the United and the Center of the See ‘Por un Nueva Ley Federal del Trabajo para la reestructuración productiva y la transición Secretaría de y Programa Nacional de del Desarrollo, (Secretaría de y 2002). World Bank, Country Economic and for Report Mexico and Country Management Unit, Latin America and the Caribbean Region, 30 July 2002, p. 16. See Ramos de and in Policy The First of Vicente Center for International Development at University No. 2001). Fox his efforts at public support a and the on on two in See Ramos de pp. the for reform was the of in the form of a ‘The New Public Jornada, 28 March 2001). For a of see Secretaría de y First of and of the Financial Reforms’, 7 May 2001. See ‘The Political of in Mexico’, in and S. (eds), and in Latin America University Press, pp. The term was by Guillermo with reference to the of in and Carlos in A key of these was the in which ‘the the of a the of the & Latin America 2003), p. the between Fox and do not here for et al., out that their as for their own to the of the of and to policy in a by market (p. have Fox with to his own the has an of in the see Camp, Politics in p. ‘a study of the that the on a of the time with for Fox has had an with prominent and and de de had a with Carlos which Fox had to a that the of Guanajuato in Fox's to for president his de as to the and his of his with the See Mexico: as It Vol. No. (2002), pp. For Fox had to at the that the reforms would further of a to the during meetings a See La Jornada, 14 December 2000 and 21 December La Jornada, 6 April 2001. La Jornada, April 2001. During 2002, a reform to the development the Federal of and to Public a reform to the of the and the of the See Secretaría de y ‘The Executive to the Economic for had been a of the Grupo San Angel with Fox and had public of support for the government July 2003). and Mexico & Report, January ‘The of Vicente Fox is ‘the president will to in Los but be changes from his like other but be a political in July 2003). The a Years: The and Fox as a somewhat of an 2003). See Nacional a la y de los de la Nacional de México, 2004). as to the number of to the Ministry for the there were 28 2003), there were Labor & 2003). Mexico Labor & December and La Jornada, December 2003. in December 2003. quoted in March For a further of the of reform under Fox, see ‘The of The Political Economy of Reform in Mexico’, Capital & Class, No. pp. La Jornada, December See, for example, World Bank, ‘Memorandum of the President of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and International Finance Corporation to the Executive Directors on a Country Assistance Strategy of the World Bank Group in with the United Mexican States’, Report Colombia and Mexico Country Management Unit, Latin America and the Caribbean Region, April and M. at an Vol. No. 1 (2004), pp. but other example, the on the Strategy key for growth within the the of barriers to the climate for and labour See the The for growth and Report from the Group by for Official of the 2004).

The pandemic generated containment and mitigation policies, as well as distancing and confinement strategies that limited the supply of water resources to social sectors. Residential areas- The offer is maintained, but with an increase in rates. Marginalized areas were subsidized and exempted from paying for an increasingly intermittent supply. The anti-COVID-19 policies guided water policies in two ways: The first consisted of disseminating anti-COVID-19 policies in water management agencies. Another second consisted of the autonomy of the institutions and their disassociation or agreement with the anti-COVID-19 policies. In this way, the literature from 2020 to 2023 around anti-COVID-19 policies in their water dimensions, registers problems of scarcity, famine and unsanitary conditions. Scarcity had already been observed in marginalized sectors, famine in residential neighborhoods, but unsanitary conditions were appreciated in migrant communities. In fact, the type of exposure to occupational hazards determined the health status of the migrants. The water problems were recorded in the circulation press to highlight the asymmetries of the anti-COVID-19 policies in the public and private sectors, as well as in the political and social actors. The objective of the study was to reveal the network structure of relationships between nodes and edges related to press releases on water issues. A documentary, cross-sectional and retrospective study was carried out with national circulation newspapers: El País, El Reforma, La Jornada and El Universal, considering the water problems of scarcity, unsanitary conditions and famine. The results show a structure of nodes where the water problems were initiated by La Jornada and ended by El Reforma. Both findings are relevant considering the ideology of the newspaper. La Jornada, a newspaper identified with the political ideology of the left, began the diffusion of water problems in a city administered by a government of the same ideology. El Reforma, a newspaper designated by the executive as a spokesperson for the opposition ideology, culminates the network of notes on water problems. In other words, regardless of the type of political ideology attributed to newspapers, the problems of scarcity, unsanitary conditions and famine are spread. In relation to the state of the art where it is shown that ideology does not influence the establishment of the agenda, the present work corroborates and recommends expanding the study to other entities administered by the opposition such as the cities of Guadalajara and Monterrey.

MEXICO—15. Coverage of Donald Trump in Three Mexican National Newspapers: El Universal, Reforma, and La Jornada, 2017–2019

The lexical pragmatic indicators of conflictogenicity peculiar to Mexican and US media discourse were selected by means of a continuous sampling method from the articles published in 2021-2024 in American (CNN, The Fox News, The New York Times, The New York Post, Los Angeles Times - 100 articles) and Mexican (La Jornada, La Opinion, Excélsior, El Universal, El Milenio - 100 articles) online newspapers. All the analyzed articles are devoted to the migration crisis, which is a common problem of these countries. For the first time, the correlation between the conflict potential index of the text, the density of linguoconflictogens used and the peculiarities of the linguoculture of the ethnic group was established. According to the results, Mexican mass media is characterized by a significantly lower conflict potential index of the text compared to US publications: the density of the lexical pragmatic indicators of the conflict potential is not only lower but in fact lexical units with strong negative semantics are rarely used. The authors of Mexican online publications avoid using such stylistic means of "situation pumping" as hyperbolisation which is so common for US mass media. Metaphors are practically not used in Mexican press either. It is important to note that while the American media discourse is dominated by the extremely negative image of migrants as criminals and terrorists, the Mexican media presents two different types of migrants: the rich arrogant white-skinned trouble-provoking alien and the Latino brother who needs help and protection. The study's perspectives include a comparison of the conflict potential index of user-generated content in these countries and the compilation of a typology of the lexical pragmatic indicators of the conflict potential used.

Elecciones presidenciales 2006 en México. La perspectiva de la prensa escrita

La Cultura de la Legalidad tiene como premisa la existencia de una sociedad informada de sus leyes y conocedora de las instituciones y organismos que conforman su estructura económica, política y social, ya que en tanto más conozca de sí misma, será participativa e involucrada en su desarrollo. Una parte importante en la socialización de la cultura de la legalidad son los medios de comunicación, pues tienen las herramientas, el alcance y las posibilidades para acercarse a sus públicos e informar desde una nueva perspectiva. El presente trabajo analiza tres periódicos nacionales, Excelsior, La Jornada y El Universal, para identificar la forma en que la prensa aborda los principios de la cultura de la legalidad en su información. Se analizaron los medios de mayor circulación nacional y de fácil acceso a su contenido, de los cuales fueron seleccionadas las noticias sobre violencia, comisión de delitos e inseguridad. El instrumento de evaluación consta de ocho variables principales que operacionalizan los ocho principios de la cultura de la legalidad. La importancia de este proyecto recae en el impacto que pueda tener directamente en los medios noticiosos y contribuir al fomento de la cultura de la legalidad y de una sociedad informada sobre sí misma.

The purpose of this text is to analyze the editorial policy of two Mexican newspapers (La Jornada and El Universal) following the disappearance of 43 Mexican students, enrolled in the Ayotzinapa Rural Teachers’ College, during the night of September 26, 2014. The editorial columns dealing with this topic and published during the first six months after the event, are analyzed using Grize’s argumentative proposal. The results highlight different approaches to the same event in categories such as topic selection, cultural presumptions, sources cited, and evaluative arguments. Taking these differences into account, the text concludes with a reflection on the functions of social journalism.

Ensayo de corte periodístico de opinión sobre los conflictos en Nicaragua durante 2018 y el tratamiento que brinda la prensa escrita en dos periódicos nacionales (La Jornada y El Universal), dos internacionales (El País y The New York Times) y otros dos en el centro del problema (La Prensa y El Nuevo Diario). Anastasio Somoza Debayle, gobernó a Nicaragua durante más de 40 años, enfrentó el declive de su dictadura con el estallido de la Revolución Sandinista en 1979. Con la salida de Somoza, se convocó a elecciones en 1979 con el objetivo de darle fin a la terrible situación que envolvía a los nicaragüenses. En 1985, Daniel Ortega ocupa la presidencia, liderado por el Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN). En las elecciones de 2007, Daniel Ortega vuelve a la presidencia con una campaña electoral en la que manejaba, una revolución espiritual. Sus constantes reelecciones desde 2006 hasta 2018, han causado paulatinamente el enojo y la molestia nacional, iniciando en abril de 2018, múltiples revueltas en contra de Ortega.

Rhetoric, Racist Ideology, and Intellectual Leadership Carrie Crenshaw and David R. Roskos-Ewoldsen Despite gains in the struggle for civil rights in the late twentieth century, racism still ravages individual lives and causes savage societal inequities.1 Stuart Hall has argued that racism is entrenched in our culture because it is "one of the most profoundly 'naturalised' of existing ideologies."2 Because racist ideology is produced and reproduced through discourse, investigation of the rhetorical dimensions of racism is essential to anti-racism.3 Language is the medium of a racist ideology, and racist rhetoric is an important vehicle for the reproduction of most other racist practices.4 While there are many kinds of racism(s), the rhetoric of academic intellectuals can play an important role in the preformulation and legitimation of racist ideologies by preparing prejudiced arguments that inspire, motivate and disseminate popular forms of racism.5 The influence of academic intellectuals is tremendous because scholars are culturally situated as the producers, managers, or brokers of knowledge who supply support for popular forms of racism and the racist claims of other elites.6 Van Dijk argues that "if knowledge is power, then knowledge of other people may be an instrument of power over other people. This truism is especially relevant in examining the academic discourse of race and ethnicity"7 and its impact on public policy discourse. In this essay, we explore the contemporary role of traditional intellectual rhetoric in promoting consent to racist ideology. Understanding how this discourse "works" to sustain racism in the face of challenges to it helps us to grasp the configuration of civil rights in the postmodern era. Drawing upon the insights of Antonio Gramsci's study of hegemonic ideologies, we argue that "moral and intellectual leadership" attempts to sustain consent to racist ideology through specific forms of racist intellectual rhetoric. While many scholars have studied racism and white privilege ,8 examined the social and cultural construction of "race,"9 and advanced our understanding of the rhetorical dimensions of racism,10 this study explores the speCarrie Crenshaw is Assistant Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Alabama in Tuscaloosa, Alabama. David R. Roskos-Ewoldsen is the Reese Phifer Professor of Communication Studies and an Associative Professor of Psychology at the University of Alabama in Tuscaloosa, Alabama. He also serves as coeditor of the journal Media Psychology. © Rhetoric & Public Affairs Vol. 2, No. 2,1999, pp. 275-302 ISSN 1094-8392 276 Rhetoric & Public Affairs cific question: What are the characteristics and strategies of an intellectual rhetoric designed to promote hegemonic consent to a racist ideology? In answering this question, we enter an on-going conversation about the relevance of Antonio Gramsci's theory for understanding democratic struggle and its impact upon the rhetorical and material construction of civil rights in our society. We offer an analysis of The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life,11 a widely disseminated book authored by two academic intellectuals that had a decided impact on broader discussions of welfare, affirmative action, and other public policies.12 While others have directly refuted The Bell Curve's claims, we examine it as an example of traditional intellectuals' rhetoric that operates as a vehicle of moral and intellectual leadership and seek to understand how it "works" to justify and promote public cooperation with coercive racism and to condone white privilege. Moreover, the extensive responses to the Bell Curve demonstrate its importance as a useful example of traditional racist intellectual rhetoric in defense of itself. It is clear from the text that the book's authors anticipated such a firestorm of criticism. Thus, we believe that understanding The Bell Curve's specific rhetorical strategies can help us to understand the rhetorical strategies that traditional intellectuals generally employ in defense of a racist ideology when that hegemonic ideology is contested. We first discuss our theoretical starting point for this study and then offer an analysis of the primary characteristics of The Bell Curve's claims. Through a critical discussion of its rhetorical strategies, we show how the authors exemplify racist intellectual argument in defense of itself. We conclude by highlighting the contributions of this study to a rhetorical theory of the...

A large body of existing research on African American relationships perpetuates a deficit model that assumes Eurocentric norms and emphasizes between-group differences (e.g., cross-racial comparisons with the majority group-European Americans). The current study examined within-group variability and the influence of culturally unique factors, Afrocentricity, racial ideology, and perceived discrepancy between self and partner on African American relationship processes. Data were collected from 137self-identified African American adults in same-race, cross-gender relationships. Consistent with the literature on protective values of Afrocentricity, there was an association between reported relationship quality and high levels of one's own and perceived partner's Afrocentricity. Discrepancies between self and partner Afrocentricity were not associated with relationship processes, but higher perceived discrepancies across all four subscales of racial ideology were associated with lower relationship dedication. Higher perceived discrepancies on the humanist and assimilationist subscales were also related to higher levels of conflict. These findings have important clinical implications and demonstrate a need for further research into the nuances of individual factors and dyadic processes that are unique to African American couples.

ABSTRACTOne of Michele Sarfatti’s greatest accomplishments has been to challenge the notion that there was a fundamental difference between the biological racism predominant in Nazi Germany and the ‘cultural racism’ of Fascist Italy. I examine how this dichotomy took shape and the meaning it acquired over time. My basic argument is that this division is the result of dialogue between Italian and German population experts during the interwar period, and that making a sharp distinction between a ‘German’ and an ‘Italian’ style of racism helped them to construct their own identities. In other words, the debate on racism was a vehicle for defining what it meant to be a ‘true’ Nazi or Fascist. In this way, differences in racist ideology can be understood as a product of struggles over meaning. Ultimately, my aim is to de-essentialize the meaning of race in research on both Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy.

This study uses a person-oriented approach to examine gender differences in the meaning of race in the lives of a sample of African-American college students. Seven hundred twenty-four self-identified African-American students from two universities completed the ideology subscales of the Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity. Cluster analysis was used to group students into five groups with distinct patterns of responses to the ideology subscales. Results showed relatively few gender differences in cluster distribution, in separate male and female cluster solutions, or in the relationship between cluster membership and racial background and race-related behavioral outcomes. Overall, clusters did not vary in terms of SES, but did reflect the racial context of participants' upbringing and race-related choices made in college.

Links between Nepalese Maoists and Indian Maoists started in 1995 and have grown subsequently. During the initial stages of their collaboration, the Nepalese Maoists sought strategic and material support from their Indian counterparts. Later, differences emerged over the introduction of ‘prachandapath’. However, links continued at the ideological level, confined to debate and discussions on the nature of revolution and State. The decision of Nepalese Maoists to join democratic forces in an alliance and participate in mainstream politics in November 2005 was criticized by the Indian Maoists. This article argues that in spite of their differences, these outfits may come together in the future, irrespective of the success or failure of the Nepalese Maoists to secure their hold on power after the upcoming elections.

Is the political divide on climate change narrower for people of color? Evidence from a decade of U.S. polling

The so-called “Global War on Terror” shows the tense relationships between mainstream media and Muslims around the world. Islam and Arab culture serve as a contrasting otherness in the construction of Western identity. Orientalism allowed first Europe and then the United States to carry on their civilizing missions and expand their culture through the Arab and Muslim world. Since the 19th century, an Orientalist narrative was built to describe an “oriental other” that justifies domination. This tense relationship can be seen in the way mainstream media reproduces an Orientalist narrative that has “migrated” from the global North to the global South. Here, “mainstream media” refers to the most prominent European and American media, including newspapers, TV broadcasting, and news agencies with global reach such as: The Washington Post, The New York Times, The Independent, The Guardian, Le Monde, Figaro, CNN, the BBC, France 24, DW, the Associated Press (AP), Reuters, and Agence France Press (AFP). Since the beginning of the 21st century the Orientalist narrative in mainstream media changed from being discriminatory speech into hate speech or Islamophobia. Peripheral media sources reproduce this narrative, as is the case with Mexico’s leading newspapers El Universal, Reforma, and La Jornada. Analysis of the treatment that these newspapers have offered of specific events such as the Second Intifada, 9/11, and the American invasion of Iraq illustrates how the Orientalist-Islamophobic narrative from mainstream media is reproduced to a large degree in the global South. Findings from a current postdoctoral research study involving interviews of Arabs and Muslims living in Mexico make it possible to establish how and to what extent the Orientalist-Islamophobic narrative spread by the mainstream media from the global North affects Arabs and Muslims in the global South.