The voice of professional diplomacy: Joshua Butler Wright in Hungary, 1927–1930

The most powerful uprising in Budapest on October 23, 1956, whichimmediately threatened the existence of the communist regime in Hungary, and the introduction of the Soviet troops to suppress it caused a wide international resonance, which led on October 28 to putting the «Hungarian question» on the UN agenda.However, with the unleashing of the military conflict in the Middle East on October 29 (the military operations of Great Britain, France and Israel against Egypt, which nationalized the SuezCanal), the main attention of the world community switches from Hungary to the Middle East. The disagreements that arose between the United States and their Western allies created a more favorable background for the Soviet Union to implement on November 4 a decisive military action to change the government in Hungary. In November, as the tension on the Suez Canal eases, the discussion of the situation in Hungary comes to the fore in the UN. In the face of opposition from the USSR, the adoption by the UN General Assembly in November-December 1956 of numerous resolutions on Hungary did not bring any real effect, with the exception of those that made it possible to improve the situation with 200 thousand Hungarian refugees who rushed to Austria and Yugoslavia after the suppression of the revolution.

In the first days of 2020, the nations of Europe could hardly imagine that their lives were going to change so drastically in a couple of months. SARS – Covid 19, aka coronavirus resulted in a great change in all societies on the globe. Most countries introduced a state of emergency and made restrictions on many aspects of people’s lives. The present paper intends to give an overview of the measures that the Hungarian government has taken so far. For this purpose, it first analyses the legal background of state of emergency that would help understand the present situation. Secondly, it describes the measures taken, and finally it evaluates how the measures affect human rights, especially free movement, freedom of enterprise and free speech.

The Government of Hungary’s view of the transformed economic and political situation in the new country can be vividly presented through the main features of Hungary’s cultural and educational policy in the 1920s. The government tried to find a way out of the national shock caused by the Treaty of Trianon by focusing on and promoting the quality and quantity of education, culture, and training, although revenge was still at the front of their minds. This bipolar process of swing -ing between past and future was led by Klebelsberg, who, as Minister of Education, headed the Ministry of Religion and Education from June 16, 1922, to August 14, 1931. Through his work and speeches, we can learn much about the spirit of the time, the main currents in politics and humanities, people’s thoughts about the Treaty of Trianon, and the ways it was dealt with - and it should also be emphasized that his work and the spirit of the time can still be felt today. Our most important research method is the processing of historical sources and, of course, the use of relevant specialist literature.

Objective: to determine the impact of socio-demographic factors and characteristics of political and economic changes on corruption.Methods: the work uses the methods of comparative analysis, construction of conjugation tables, and the index method; the information base is the public opinion monitoring data in Vologda oblast, with 1,500 respondents filling in questionnaires at their place of residence. The sample is random and quota; representativeness is ensured by the proportions observed between the residents of settlements of different types, gender and age structure of the population; sampling error does not exceed 3 %.Results: manifestations of corruption have been the subject matter of scientific discourse for quite a long time, but the research approaches have been constantly expanding from the historical, legal, and economic points of view. The article considers corruption as a multidimensional phenomenon and analyzes it from the perspective of an integrative approach, which implies taking into account territorial aspects, socio-demographic factors, and the citizens’ perception of the political and economic situation in the country and in the region. The analysis of the assessment results of the public opinion about the corruption level in the region showed that the authorities and the health care system are the most susceptible to corruption. The assessment of the territorial prevalence of corruption showed that the corruption index values along the “center – periphery” line are higher in the regional center than in the districts. It was also revealed that differences in the socio-demographic characteristics insignificantly influence the perception of changes in the corruption level, unlike the perception of corruption depending on the economic and political situation in the region.Scientific novelty: Based on the analysis of the results of the corruption level monitoring in the region, it is shown that positive assessments of the political and economic situation are associated with an unchanged or decreased level of corruption perception. Hence, good and very good assessments of the economic situation were more often associated with a decrease in the corruption level last year.Practical significance: the identified links between corruption, socio-demographic, political and economic factors can serve as a basis for adjusting and improving anti-corruption policy at the regional and state level.

The article addresses the problem of role of the Greek Catholic Eparchy of Mukachevo in the Hungarian Revolution and War of Independence of 1848–1849. Considerable attention is paid to analyze the religious and political activity of Bishop Vasyl Popovych of Mukachevo. The author highlights that the spring events of 1848 created a new situation in Hungary. First in the history of the country a government accountable to the legislation was formed, whose first measures included the abolishment of serfdom. The so-called «April Laws» of 1848 sanctioned by Ferdinand V, the Habsburg king of Hungary had a great influence on the feudal system. The last Diet of Reform Era adopted laws, which paved a way for the bourgeois transformation of the country. It is alleged that one of the most important issues was the determination of the relationship between church and state in spring 1848. This time, the relationship between the Batthyány Goverment and the leaders of the Catholic Church of Hungary was not free from difficulties. The Catholic Church has lost its state religion status. The history of the Eparchy of Mukachevo in the revolutionary events of 1848–1849 is one of the less researched issues. On the basis of analysis of the review of archival sources and historiography of the topic, it is established that the Eparchy of Mukachevo played an exceptional role in support of hinterland of the Hungarian War of Independence. As noted, it had jurisdiction over seven counties in Northeastern Hungary (Zemplin, Ung, Bereg, Ugocha, Sotmar, Sabolch and Maramorosh) and the Hajdú District populated by Rusyn-, Hungarian- and Romanian-speaking believers. Thus, the Greek Catholic clergy had a strategic role to ensure peace between the different peoples. The author comes to the conclusion that Bishop Vasyl Popovych and his prelacy trusted in the goodwill of the Hungarian liberal leaders. The bishop focused on the interests of his eparchy in all circumstances. The years of 1848–1849 were abundant in political and military turns. Popovych was always far from any form of extremism, calmness and prudence controlled his actions. In the end, it is revealed that the Greek Catholic clergy believed: the Hungarian government wanted to create a country, where the Byzantine rite community gets into a favourable, more honoured position. Key words: Greek Catholic Eparchy of Mukachevo, Bishop Vasyl Popovych, Northeastern Hungary, Lajos Kossuth, Catholic Church of Hungary.

The article deals with the political and economic situation in Hungary in the last several years. The author firstly points to the causes of decline of influence of the previous socialist government and the heavy defeat of the socialists in the 2010 elections and the success of the right party Fidesz. After winning the elections, the Viktor Orban government started, at an accelerated rate, to implement the pre-election programme of Fidesz that had been prepared for a long time while it was an opposition party. The author is of the opinion that this programme is atypical, very radical and unique by many characteristics in the Europe of today. He points out that only a year after Fidesz victory the government and the parliament adopted quite a number of laws, a new Constitution and a set of risky measures of recovery that should lead to a substantial economic reform. The author particularly underlines the fact that the government decided to break of negotiation with IMF, reject its recommendations and try to overcome over-indebtedness by carrying out its own ideas.

In the wake of the Revolutions of 1989, Hungary was long considered one of the “success stories” of post-communist transition to liberal democracy. Yet in recent years the Hungarian government, under the leadership of Prime Minister Viktor Orban, has pioneered a new conception of “illiberal democracy.” In a July 2014 speech, Orban indeed declared that “the era of liberal democracies is over.” Similar declarations can be heard in other parts of post-communist Eastern Europe. The Hungarian Patient: Social Opposition to an Illiberal Democracy, is a collection of essays by Hungarian social scientists and intellectuals reflecting on both the sources of this emergent illiberalism and the sources of opposition to it. Because it is important for American political scientists to understand the way their colleagues in other parts of the world reflect on the challenges of democracy, and because the Hungarian situation is significant for the future of Europe and the EU, we have invited a wide range of scholars to comment on the book and on its topic—the significance of the emergence of “illiberal democracy” in Hungary and in Europe.

In the wake of the Revolutions of 1989, Hungary was long considered one of the “success stories” of post-communist transition to liberal democracy. Yet in recent years the Hungarian government, under the leadership of Prime Minister Viktor Orban, has pioneered a new conception of “illiberal democracy.” In a July 2014 speech, Orban indeed declared that “the era of liberal democracies is over.” Similar declarations can be heard in other parts of post-communist Eastern Europe. The Hungarian Patient: Social Opposition to an Illiberal Democracy, is a collection of essays by Hungarian social scientists and intellectuals reflecting on both the sources of this emergent illiberalism and the sources of opposition to it. Because it is important for American political scientists to understand the way their colleagues in other parts of the world reflect on the challenges of democracy, and because the Hungarian situation is significant for the future of Europe and the EU, we have invited a wide range of scholars to comment on the book and on its topic—the significance of the emergence of “illiberal democracy” in Hungary and in Europe.

In the wake of the Revolutions of 1989, Hungary was long considered one of the “success stories” of post-communist transition to liberal democracy. Yet in recent years the Hungarian government, under the leadership of Prime Minister Viktor Orban, has pioneered a new conception of “illiberal democracy.” In a July 2014 speech, Orban indeed declared that “the era of liberal democracies is over.” Similar declarations can be heard in other parts of post-communist Eastern Europe. The Hungarian Patient: Social Opposition to an Illiberal Democracy, is a collection of essays by Hungarian social scientists and intellectuals reflecting on both the sources of this emergent illiberalism and the sources of opposition to it. Because it is important for American political scientists to understand the way their colleagues in other parts of the world reflect on the challenges of democracy, and because the Hungarian situation is significant for the future of Europe and the EU, we have invited a wide range of scholars to comment on the book and on its topic—the significance of the emergence of “illiberal democracy” in Hungary and in Europe.

In the wake of the Revolutions of 1989, Hungary was long considered one of the “success stories” of post-communist transition to liberal democracy. Yet in recent years the Hungarian government, under the leadership of Prime Minister Viktor Orban, has pioneered a new conception of “illiberal democracy.” In a July 2014 speech, Orban indeed declared that “the era of liberal democracies is over.” Similar declarations can be heard in other parts of post-communist Eastern Europe. The Hungarian Patient: Social Opposition to an Illiberal Democracy, is a collection of essays by Hungarian social scientists and intellectuals reflecting on both the sources of this emergent illiberalism and the sources of opposition to it. Because it is important for American political scientists to understand the way their colleagues in other parts of the world reflect on the challenges of democracy, and because the Hungarian situation is significant for the future of Europe and the EU, we have invited a wide range of scholars to comment on the book and on its topic—the significance of the emergence of “illiberal democracy” in Hungary and in Europe.

In the wake of the Revolutions of 1989, Hungary was long considered one of the “success stories” of post-communist transition to liberal democracy. Yet in recent years the Hungarian government, under the leadership of Prime Minister Viktor Orban, has pioneered a new conception of “illiberal democracy.” In a July 2014 speech, Orban indeed declared that “the era of liberal democracies is over.” Similar declarations can be heard in other parts of post-communist Eastern Europe. The Hungarian Patient: Social Opposition to an Illiberal Democracy, is a collection of essays by Hungarian social scientists and intellectuals reflecting on both the sources of this emergent illiberalism and the sources of opposition to it. Because it is important for American political scientists to understand the way their colleagues in other parts of the world reflect on the challenges of democracy, and because the Hungarian situation is significant for the future of Europe and the EU, we have invited a wide range of scholars to comment on the book and on its topic—the significance of the emergence of “illiberal democracy” in Hungary and in Europe.

The First World War and the Trianon Treaty shocked the Hungarian economy. The Hungarian government implemented a payment moratorium from the start of the war, but after a one-year long moratorium, the government wanted to restore the working of the economy. But it desired to avoid the massive bankruptcies of the firms; therefore, a new institution, the compulsory non-bankruptcy settlement was introduced by the government in Hungary for helping the debtors. In my paper, I examine the rearrangement of the insolvency law in the interwar period which was generated by the compulsory nonbankruptcy settlement. This appeared beside the bankruptcy procedure, which regulation was passed by the National Assembly in 1881. It was the second Hungarian bankruptcy act, which remained unchanged until socialism. These two procedures were the significant elements of the insolvency law in the examined period. In my paper, I present the circumstances of the new institution’s introduction, its modification and its relation to the bankruptcy procedure.

Although a score of new studies have been published about the various aspects of the history of American–Hungarian relations in the past three decades, there are still a considerable number of uncovered chapters. The present article will introduce one of the American ministers who served in Hungary in the interwar years. Nicholas Roosevelt came from a well-known family that gave two presidents to the United States in the first half of the twentieth century, and the name helped him throughout his storied career. Since he had visited Hungary at the time of the establishment of the Hungarian Soviet Republic in March 1919, he had first-hand experience regarding his host country. His service as American minister (1930–1933) fell in the first years of the unfolding Great Depression, which defined the basic conditions for Hungary, as well for the United States and Europe. Nicholas Roosevelt was an avid writer, and he left behind a plethora of both private and official documents containing, among other things, his thoughts and opinions about Hungary and Hungarians. Building this as a primary source, along with a number of secondary sources, the article will bring closer the economically and politically shaky days of Hungary in the early 1930s through the eyes of the American minister posted in Budapest, thereby enriching our knowledge about the relations between the two countries.

American-Hungarian relations were rarely closer on the personal level than in the interwar years. Although the United States followed the path of political and diplomatic isolation from Europe in the 1920s and 1930s, and its absence in the League of Nations was conspicuous, in the financial and economic realm it remained more active, and many Americans worked in the various reconstruction projects across Europe either in their private capacities or under the auspices of the League. Royall Tyler was one such person who spent the larger part of the 1920s and 1930s in Hungary. Since the start of the financial reconstruction of Hungary in 1924, Tyler was a constant participant in Hungarian financial life, a contact between the Hungarian government and the League of Nations, and a sharp observer of events throughout the years he spent in Hungary and Europe. This essay focuses on his activities concerning Hungary’s financial and economic reconstruction and recovery. (ZP)

Exchange Rates, External Prices and the Effectiveness of Hungary's Foreign Trade Since 1968. What Room for Manœuvre in Hungary's Economic Policy? The austerity measures promulgated by the Hungarian government in December 1978 show clearly the dependence of the Hungarian economy on the international political and economic situation, and how small is the room for manœuvre for Hungary in the face of external shocks. However, the notion of dependence is a partially subjective one, and the conventional measures of the influence of foreign trade on the internal economic situation produce widely divergent results. Thus the level of indebtedness and the balance of payments deficit look different according to the exchange rates applied to trade with different currency zones (rouble, dollar, etc.), if these are related to national economic aggregates. There are two possible ways of assessing the effective influence of Hungarian foreign trade on the internal economic situation. The first concentrates attention on the economic and commercial links which, at the macro-economic level, determine the influence of indirect economic regulators (e.g. customs duties, exchange rates, subsidies), and direct economic instruments (interstate trade agreements, quotas, export licences, etc.). The exchange rate policy practiced by Hungary is then examined, with "dollar-zone" countries and with the transferable rouble area. The second approach concentrates on the micro-economic aspects. The volume of exports considered necessary at the macro-economic level should be profitable to enterprises. However, the variation in customs duties, the system of subsidies and of the largely centralized investment financing make the position of the enterprises both comfortable and secure. Since the real effectiveness of the enterprises' relations with foreign countries is not reflected in these enterprises' monetary revenues, the role of exchange rates is substantially reduced. The revaluations of the forint, supposedly related to changes in foreign prices, have taken the form of a complex and subtle redistribution of subsidies between exports and imports, without any serious attempt to link internal and external prices. If one also takes into account all the various exceptions and exemptions, one could say that there are as many special cases as there are enterprises, which is not so very different from the old system of "price equalization" (Preisausgleich). Anyhow, the Hungarian enterprise seems well protected against all changes in the external environment, while the balance of payments shows an ever larger deficit. In conclusion, no real improvement is possible without a fundamental reform of the control over foreign trade, based on a necessary and sufficient price reform. This was provided for in the reform of 1968, and repeatedly postponed. These delays and hesitations can have unfortunate consequences for a country so dependent on international trade, more unfortunate indeed than the social-economic consequences of boldly facing up to the problems of linking the national economy with the outside world.