The unmaking of space: Braschi, Lefebvre and the collapse of the spatial triad

Gentrifying Climate Change: Ecological Modernisation and the Cultural Politics of Definition

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes I would like to thank Andrew Baker, Eric Helleiner, Jonathan Kirchner, Hubert Zimmerman, Paul Bowles and the anonymous reviewers for their comments on earlier drafts. See Ronald I. McKinnon, 'The Euro Threat is Exaggerated', The International Economy, Vol.12, No. 60 (1998), pp. 32–3. Ed Blanche, 'Iran takes on US but at what cost?', The Middle East, March 2006, p. 23. International Institute for Finance, Regional Briefing Gulf Cooperation Council, 31 May 2007, http://iif.com/emr/emr-af See Louise Story, 'An Oracle of Oil Predicts $200-a-Barrel Crude', The New York Times, 21 May 2008. IMF, Regional Economic Outlook: Middle East and Central Asia (International Monetary Fund, 2008), p. 44. http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/reo/2008/MCD/eng/mreo0508.pdf IMF, Regional Economic Outlook, 2008, p. 61. International Institute for Finance, Regional Briefing Gulf Cooperation Council. George Magnus, 'Petrodollars: Where are they and do they matter?', UBS Investment Research, 19 July 2006, p. 5. Siddiqi Moin, 'Gulf Cooperation Council Goes for Growth', The Middle East, 1 December 2006. McKinsey & Company. 'The New Power Brokers: How Oil, Asia, Hedge Funds, and Private Equity are Shaping Global Capital Markets', The McKinsey Quarterly, October 2007, http://www.mckinsey.com/mgi/publications/The_New_Power_Brokers/ International Institute for Finance, Regional Briefing Gulf Cooperation Council Ewe-Ghee Lim, The Euro's Challenge to the Dollar, IMF Working Paper no. 06/153, IMF, 2006, p. 20. Eric Helleiner, 'Political Determinants of International Currencies: What Future for the US Dollar?', Review of International Political Economy, Vol. 15, No. 3 (2008), pp. 354–78. See Danske Bank, 'Will the decline in USD become disorderly?', FX Crossroads, 14 November 2007. The IMF has also argued that the high oil prices cannot be explained by the 'fundamentals' and points to market speculators as a key factor in higher prices. See IMF, Regional Economic Outlook, p. 27. Musa Essayad & Ibrahim Algahtani, 'Policy Issues Related to Substitution of the US Dollar in Oil Pricing', International Journal of Global Energy Issues, Vol. 23, No. 1 (2005), p. 75. Government Accounting Office (GAO), The US–Saudi Arabian Joint Commission on Economic Cooperation', GAO, ID 79-7, 22 March 1979. Edward Morse, 'A New Political Economy of Oil?', Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 53, No. 1 (1999), p. 4. David E. Spiro, The Hidden Hand of American Hegemony: Petrodollar Recycling and International Markets (Cornell University Press, 1999), pp. 105–26. Musa Essayad & Donald Marx, 'OPEC and optimal currency portfolios', Oil, Gas, and Energy Quarterly, Vol. 49, No. 2 (2001), pp. 363–84. See also Oystein Noreng, 'Oil, the Euro, and the Dollar', Journal of Energy and Development Vol. 30, No.1 (2004), pp. 53–80. See Bessma Momani, 'Reacting to Global Forces: Economic and Political Integration of the GCC', Journal of the Gulf and Arabian Peninsula Studies, Vol. 38, No. 128 (2008), pp. 46–66. Oystein Noreng, 'The euro and the oil market: new challenges to the industry', Journal of Energy Finance and Development, Vol. 4, No. 1 (1999), pp. 29–68. Gregory Gause, 'Relations between the Gulf Cooperation Council States and the United States', Gulf Research Center, Dubai, 2004. Simon Bromley, 'The United States and the Control of World Oil', Government and Opposition, Vol. 40, No. 2 (2005), p. 244. Essayad & Marx, 'OPEC and optimal currency portfolios', pp. 364–84. Essayad & Algahtani, 'Policy Issues Related to Substitution of the US Dollar in Oil Pricing', p. 72. See Noreng, 'Oil, the Euro, and the Dollar'. Benjamin Cohen, 'The Geopolitics of Currencies and the Future of the International System', Paper prepared for a conference on The Geopolitics of Currencies and Oil, Madrid, 7 November 2003, pp. 18–9. Russian President Putin first alluded to the idea of using petroeuros instead of petrodollars in 1999 during an EU meeting in Helsinki, and again in a news conference with the German Chancellor in Yekaternburg in 2003. In the later meeting, Putin remarked: 'We do not rule out that it [petroeuro] is possible. That would be interesting for our European partners … but this does not depend solely on us. We do not want to hurt prices on the market.' Quoted from Catherine Belton, 'Putin: Why not price oil in Euro?,' Moscow Times, 10 October 2003, p. 1. William Clark, Petrodollar Warfare: Oil, Iraq and the Future of the Dollar (New Society Publishers, 2005), p. 31. As US rationales for war in Iraq have continued to be exposed for naught – weapons of mass destruction, Iraqi connection to 9/11, spreading democratisation in the Middle East – radical critics have charged that the real motivation behind the war in Iraq was to prevent other OPEC members from also selling oil in euros. See Clark, Petrodollar Warfare, p. 31. 'Iran Ends Oil Transactions in US Dollars', The Associated Press, 30 April 2008. Gause, 'Relations between the Gulf Cooperation Council States and the United States', pp. 17–8. Morse, 'A New Political Economy of Oil?', p. 13. Kamran Dadkhah, 'Futures market for Crude Oil', in Siamack Shojai & Bernard S. Katz (eds), The Oil Market in the 1980s (Praeger, 1992), pp. 210–11. Morse, 'A New Political Economy of Oil?', p. 21. Elitza Mileva & Nikolaus Siefried, 'Oil Market Structure, Network Effects and the Choice of Currency for Oil Invoicing', Occasional Paper Series, European Central Bank, 2007. See Katherine Stephan, 'Oil Companies and the International Oil Market', in Svetlana Tsalik & Anya Schiffrin (eds), Covering Oil: A Reporter's Guide to Energy and Development (Open Society Institute, 2005), pp. 47–60. Robert Looney, 'A Euro-Denominated Oil Bourse in Iran: Potential Major Force In International System?', Gulf Research Centre, Dubai, 2006, p. 8; Noreng, 'Oil, the Euro, and the Dollar', p. 40. Javad Yarjani, Head of the Petroleum Market Analysis Department, OPEC, 'The Choice of Currency for the Denomination of the Oil Bill', Speech given at Oviedo, Spain at a meeting on The International Role of the Euro, convened by the Spanish Minster of Economic Affairs, 14 April 2002. Mark Irvine, 'Long Shot: The prospects for a Conversion to Euro Pricing in Oil Markets', Elements, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2005), pp. 63–8. Mark Irvine, 'Long Shot'. Yarjani, 'The Choice of Currency for the Denomination of the Oil Bill'. Iran has already started to trade oil in euros in bilateral contracts with the EU and has a US$70 billion gas deal with China (the second largest oil consumer), but pricing remained set in US dollars. In December 2006, Iran also announced that its Central Bank would replace all dollar assets and future foreign transactions with euros. Looney, 'A Euro-Denominated Oil Bourse in Iran?', p. 8. Ibid., p. 8. It should be noted that because oil pricing is more market-based, the kind of state bargains used to decrease oil prices are now less successful and oil markets are more vulnerable to political crises and risk in oil-producing states. So, oil markets can lead to steep increases in oil prices despite consistent supply because risk is factored into oil prices. Irvine, 'Long Shot'. Spiro, The Hidden Hand of American Hegemony. Spiro, The Hidden Hand of American Hegemony, p. 37. Government Accounting Office (GAO), 'Are OPEC Financial Holdings A Danger to the US Banks or the Economy?', GAO, ID 79-45, 11 June 1979. See Looney, A Euro-Denominated Oil Bourse in Iran, p. 8. See GAO, The US–Saudi Arabian Joint Commission on Economic Cooperation. Ibid., p. 36. Ibid., p. 48. See 'Saudi Arabia: Current Issues and U.S. Relations', Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 2006. Don De Marino, 'How Can the U.S. Reopen For Business To The Arab World?', Middle East Policy, Vol. 13, No. 2 (2006). Heather Timmons, 'Asia finding rich partners in Mideast', The New York Times, 1 December 2006. Lawrence Summers, 'Funds that shake capitalist logic', The Financial Times, 29 July 2007. See Henry Paulson, 'Paulson Remarks On Open Investment Before the US–UAE Business Council', US Department of Treasury, 2 June 2008, http://www.ustreas.gov/press/releases/hp1001.htm 'The Petrodollar Puzzle', The Economist, 9 June 2007, p. 86. Moin, 'Gulf Cooperation Council Goes for Growth'. Christian Menegatti & Brad Setser, 'Are GCC Dollar Pegs and Impediment to Global Adjustment? And Does Pegging to the Dollar Make Domestic Sense?', Roubini Global Economic Service, 2006. See 'Gulf Investments and Its Trends', Gulf Industrial Bulletin, GOIC, 2006, http://www.goic.org.qa/relatedDocs/GIB/GIB66_E.pdf See Andrew Cooper & Bessma Momani, 'The Challenge of Re-branding Countries in the Middle East: Opportunities through New Networked Engagements versus Constraints of Embedded Negative Images', Paper presented to the International Studies Association Annual Conference, San Francisco, 26–29 March 2008. See Matteo Legrenzi, 'Did the GCC Make a Difference? Institutional Realities and (Un)Intended Consequences', in Cilja Harders & Matteo Legrenzi (eds), Beyond Regionalism? Regional Cooperation, Regionalism and Regionalization in the Middle East (Ashgate, 2008), pp. 107–24. IMF, Regional Economic Outlook, p. 8. Moin, 'Gulf Cooperation Council Goes for Growth'. Economics Intelligent Unit (EIU), 'Near East meets Far East: the rise of Gulf investment in Asia', September 2007. Ibid., p. 5. Ibid., p. 7. Ramin Toloui, 'Petrodollars, Asset Prices, and the Global Financial System' Capital Perspectives, PIMCO, January 2007, p. 6. Institute of International Finance, 'Regional Briefing Gulf Cooperation Council', p. 4. Ibid., p. 4. Ugo Fasano & Zubair Iqbal, 'Common Currency', Finance and Development, Vol. 39, No. 4 (2002), pp. 1–7, are optimistic that with added institutionalisation, like the creation of a regional central bank, the GCC's currency unification should produce positive results. For GCC currency unification to succeed, as some economists have argued, the GCC needs to liberalise capital and labour mobility, have flexible prices and wages, and have a fiscal transfer system. See 'Lyons Raises Doubts over GCC Common Currency,' Middle East Economic Digest (MEED), Vol. 50, No. 6 (2006), p. 24. See Brad Sester, 'The Case for Exchange Rate Flexibility in Oil-Exporting Economies', Policy Brief, Peterson Institute for International Economics, November 2007. Kuwait which had used a basket of currencies, aligned its currency closer to the dollar in preparation for the currency union in 2003 and then again de-pegged its currency in 2007. 'The Dollar: Time to break free', The Economist, 22 November 2007. IMF, Regional Economic Outlook, p. 3. Jeffrey Frankel, 'A Proposed Monetary Regime for Small Commodity Exporters: Peg to the Export Price', International Finance, Vol. 6, No. 1 (March 2003), pp. 61–88. See 'UAE Rejects calls to drop the dollar', Khaleej Times, 29 February 2008. See 'Countdown to lift-off', The Economist, 22 November 2007. Outside the GCC, moreover, Syria also announced that it would use euros in government transactions as opposed to dollars and a number of other Middle East central banks hinted of adopting similar policies in reaction to the failed ports deal. See Philip Thornton, 'Arab central banks move assets out of dollar', The Independent, 14 March 2006. Veronica Brown, 'DIFC CEO sees more Gulf FX moves away from dollar', Reuters, 25 March 2007. See Sester, 'The Case for Exchange Rate Flexibility in Oil-Exporting Economies'; Gerard Lyons, 'Middle East must loosen ties to the dollar,' The Financial Times, 6 December 2007. The name for the proposed currency has yet to be decided upon. Some media reports have referred to it as the Khaleej Dinar, although this will be a contested term. 'Regional Currency Areas and the use of Foreign Currencies', BIS Papers, No. 17 (2003), available at http://www.bis.org/publ/bppdf/bispap17.pdf Emilie Rutledge, 'Gulf Monetary Union is a cracking project?', Gulf News, 16 December 2006; see also Menegatti and Setser, 'Are GCC Dollar Pegs and Impediment to Global Adjustment?' Gaurav Ghose, 'UAE Doubts union deadline', Gulf News, 18 December 2006; see also Rutledge, 'Gulf Monetary Union is a cracking project?' Mohammed Abbas, 'Bahrain to ditch dollar peg, report claims', Reuters, 11 December 2007. Andrew England, 'Saudis urged to revalue riyal', The Financial Times, 13 January 2008. Simeon Kerr, 'Qatar considers dropping dollar peg', The Financial Times, 30 January 2008. Noreng, 'Oil, the Euro, and the Dollar'. Henner Furtig, 'GCC–EU Political Cooperation: Myth or Reality?', British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 31, No. 1 (2004), p. 30. Furtig, 'GCC–EU Political Cooperation', p. 30. Bessma Momani, 'A Middle East Free Trade Area: Economic Interdependence and Peace Considered', The World Economy, Vol. 30, No. 11 (2007), pp. 1682–700. Bessma Momani, 'Reacting to Global Forces: Economic and Political Integration of the GCC', Journal of the Gulf and Arabian Peninsula Studies, Vol. 38, No. 128 (2008), pp. 46–66. Agata Antkiewicz & Bessma Momani, 'Pursuing Geopolitical Stability through Interregional Trade: The EU's Motives for Negotiating with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)', CIGI Working Paper 31, Centre for International Governance and Innovation, 2007. Daniel Hanna, 'A New Fiscal Framework for GCC Countries Ahead of Monetary Union', International Economics Programme, Vol. 6, No. 2 (2006), p. 7. See Marc O'Reilly & Wesley Renfro, 'Evolving Empire: America's 'Emirates' Strategy in the Persian Gulf', International Studies Perspectives, Vol. 8, No. 2 (2007), pp. 137–51. Furtig, 'GCC–EU Political Cooperation', p. 30. Eckart Woertz, 'The Role of Gold in the Unified GCC Currency', Gulf Research Centre, Dubai, 2005.

The HIV epidemic in the United States has affected at least two generations of gay men. Despite numerous efforts to intervene on this public health crisis, HIV infections continue to escalate, especially among young men. This condition is compounded by an ever-growing number of gay men who are aging and living with HIV. We must enact an innovative and proactive vision and framework for HIV prevention that moves us beyond the undertakings rooted in social-cognitive paradigms that have informed this work for the past 25 years. A new framework for HIV prevention must give voice to gay men; must consider the totality of their lives; must delineate the underlying logic, which directs their relation to sex and HIV; and must concurrently respect their diverse life experiences. This approach should be rooted in a biopsychosocial paradigm, should be informed by both theory and practice, and should be directed by three theoretical lenses--a theory of syndemics, developmental theories, and contextual understandings of HIV disease. Taken together, these elements are a call to action for research and practice psychologists who are working to improve the lives of gay men.

Background/Context Although frequently associated with the United States, affirmative action is not a uniquely American social policy. Indeed, 2003 witnessed review and revision of affirmative action policies affecting higher education institutions in both France and the United States. Using critical race theory (CRT) as a theoretical lens, this text compares the affirmative action programs and lawsuits litigated in both nations in 2003 and their impact on the educational and social experiences of people who are racially or culturally non-White. Purpose This article examines and compares affirmative action policies and lawsuits directed at higher education in France and the United States. Faced with similar challenges, controversies, and racial concerns, these courts offered somewhat diverging opinions on the purpose, meaning, and impact that affirmative action policies should have in this millennium. Research Design This article employs legal hermeneutics, a specific form of documentary analysis, to examine affirmative action policies and related court decisions recently issued in both France and the United States. U.S. court decisions such as Gratz v. Bollinger (2003) and affirmative action program self-study reports published by L'institut d'etudes politiques, or Sciences Po, serve as the primary sources for the text. Conclusions The 2003 rulings in both France and the United States provide the legal impetus needed for affirmative action programs to continue. However, none of the court decisions or programs on either side of the Atlantic makes any real attempt to address the larger racial issues that created the need for affirmative action from the start. With the exception of the limited use allowed in affirmative action programs, all forms of diversity in the United States have basically the same value and, accordingly, have virtually the same impact on social arrangements. Likewise, France accepted the CEP (Conventions éducation prioritaire [Priority Convention Education]) program as an affirmative action measure while giving no thought to the need to reform the overall ideology of the nation, which dictates that all citizens are French and no forms of heterogeneity exist. In essence, the affirmative actions programs upheld in these court rulings fail to enforce the equality principles imparted in the French and U.S. constitutions by inhibiting discussion and deconstruction of racial inequalities.

Ahmet T. Kuru’s essay, Rethinking Secularism and State Policies Towards Religion, examines how secularism and state policies towards religion evolved in the United States, France and Turkey during the last decade, using a theoretical lens from Kuru’s book Secularism and State Policies toward Religion: The United States, France, and Turkey published in 2009. Kuru first outlines passive secularism in the United States throughout the last decade, with a particular focus on state politcies towards the Muslim minority. The essay then delves into the restrictions towards Muslims in France, as well as how Turkey went from being a secular state, to a populist Islamic state. In the United States, the religion-state relations are relatively stable, and in France, assertive secularism has reigned and ruled. Kuru concludes that out of the three cases, Turkey experienced the deepest transformation throughout the last ten years because of its tension between a secularist ideology and its highly religious society. However, the rise of populist Islam in Turkey does not mean the end of secularism. Kuru argues that the Erdogan regime is essentially groundless, although Erdogan’s Islamism has caused Turkey to move away from secularism.

The first issue of IJURR was published more than 30 years ago, in 1977. It opened with a brief editorial statement in which the journal’s founders defined their project. IJURR would be interdisciplinary. It would be open to diverse theoretical approaches and methodologies, whilst seeking to understand urban and regional development in terms of the ‘fundamental economic, social and political processes which operate at local, national and international levels’. Such an understanding should inform ‘social action’ and not be confined to intellectual debate. The tone for the new journal was set by the inaugural issue, which opened with four articles (by Ray Pahl, Jean Lojkine, Enzo Mingione and Richard Child Hill) on ‘urbanism and the state’. Other contributors to the first volume of IJURR included Manuel Castells, Edmond Preteceille, Chris Pickvance, Patrick Dunleavy, Doreen Massey, Martin Ravallion, Roger Friedland, Frances Fox Piven, Robert Alford, Josef Gugler and William Flanagan. Pahl, Mingione, Preteceille, Pickvance, Piven and Castells were all founding members of IJURR’s editorial board, together with Michael Harloe (the editor) and S.M. Miller. The founders of and initial contributors to IJURR comprised a remarkable generation of scholars concerned with the development of a radical or critical approach to urban and regional issues that would be relevant to political and social change. Indeed, IJURR included a section on ‘Praxis’. In the first issue, this section comprised articles on social or popular movements in the USA, Mexico and Spain, and on the civil war in Beirut. The impetus behind IJURR came mostly from sociologists, and there was a considerable overlap between IJURR and Research Committee 21 of the International Sociological Association, but IJURR also drew on the efforts of political scientists, planners and geographers. Change was central to IJURR’s identity. Drawing on egalitarian conceptions of social justice, IJURR’s founders sought to show that cities and regions could change in a variety of directions. Marxist theory was especially appealing to scholars who combined activist and scholarly missions, although Marxist theory certainly did not go unchallenged (not least by Ray Pahl and Patrick Dunleavy) and was never a precondition for publication. The scholarly practice of the journal was unambiguously embedded in an overall surge of radical and even revolutionary politics across the world. The 1970s were the morning after the 1960s explosion of critical theory and revolutionary practice. Student rebellion and scholarly debate fed and radicalized each other. IJURR was both a product of and protagonist in this important shift, and was seen by its editors, authors, reviewers and readers as such.

ABSTRACTThis introduction to the special issue takes stock of the current state of the pro-immigrant movement in the United States. It begins by reflecting back on the massive demonstrations for immigrant rights that swept the U.S. in 2006 and considers whether they should be seen as one episode in a broad, long-term immigrant movement, or just a remarkable but ephemeral moment of spontaneous political action. We contend that a true social movement on behalf of immigrants exists in the United States, with an arc of successes and failures over time. Using both an empirical and theoretical lens, we draw on the interdisciplinary articles in this volume to examine the movement in the years since the 2006 protests. We note that existing scholarship on social movements has not yet fully grappled with the way citizenship and migration status challenge core concepts in the field, and we advance that project. We end by speculating on what might be unique to the United States, and what more general lessons we can draw to better understand the successes and failures, as well as future prospects, of mobilisation and advocacy by and on behalf of immigrants, in the United States and elsewhere.

In the last decade, large technology companies have started many initiatives to stimulate and innovate in the sphere of medical research. A prominent example is the ResearchKit software framework launched by tech giant Apple in 2015. This software framework enables medical researchers to develop research apps on the iPhone that collect and access diverse types of research data. The ‘sphere transgressions’ theoretical lens (Sharon, 2021a; 2021b) draws attention to the risks associated with such initiatives. For instance, that large technology companies could utilize the initiatives to change the sphere of medical research in line with their own values and interests. However, the theoretical lens risks portraying a simplistic one-directional understanding of Big Tech colonizing the sphere of medical research. This paper draws attention to medical researchers and their everyday interactions. Based on interviews with medical researchers using Apple’s ResearchKit in the Netherlands and the United States, the paper shows that researchers are not passive recipients of Big Tech’s initiatives. Instead, they respond to their initiatives in a variety of ways: not simply by welcoming or resisting Apple’s ResearchKit, but also by ‘making do’ using a variety of tactics (de Certeau, 1984). Thinking in terms of tactics, it is argued in the discussion, helps to identify needs and interests that are of crucial importance to researchers and the broader sphere of medical research. These insights can be used to strengthen the sphere of medical research and promote responsible innovation.

This study examines the impact of digitalization on women producers in the food market in Turkey, in relation to the increasing role of women's labor in digital markets during the Covid-19 pandemic. It explores the relationship between women's labor value and product prices, as well as the cyber-violence. The study used in-depth interviews with 10 female producers from various regions in Turkey and analyzed the data using MaxQDA software. The article highlights the challenges and potential benefits of the digital market for female producers and emphasizes the importance of designing digital tools that promote gender equality. The study reveals the gendered nature of digital food markets and advocates for a feminist-socio-technical future that promotes community economies. The paper situates gender as an analytical category and uses Lefebvre's spatial triad as a theoretical lens to explore the production of digital space in food markets. The study advocates for the development of justice scales and feminist-socio-technical tools to value the invisible and unpaid labor of women in the digital market.

Debates about how one safeguards themselves against a deadly virus are complex and have become divisive social issues in the United States and elsewhere. Proponents of face masks, including many top medical and science experts, regard it as an important safety measure to prevent the spread of COVID-19. Opponents believe that face mask mandates are an infringement of their right to choose to wear one. No matter the side, face masks as a form of safety and protection have seemingly become a part of the current zeitgeist that supports independence and freedom instead of community and conformity to protect public health. In the same manner, debates about vaccine mandates have incited people in the United States (and elsewhere) to take their sides to the streets to voice their stance. The attitudes, activism, and consumption of news about both issues construct them as social problems. The COVID-19 pandemic presents a unique case study for utilizing moral panic theory. Two major elements needed for moral panic, fear, and social anxiety, already existed because of the discovery of the deadly novel coronavirus in 2019. The remaining criteria are a complex interplay of social dynamics that are shifting as the pandemic is evolving. A moral panic occurs when an issue, condition, event, or group of people are defined as a threat to societal values and interests. The defined concern can be real, however, the claims about the issue are hyperbolic. The concept of moral panic as a theoretical lens is useful to analyze face masks and vaccine mandates and the implications for social change.

In this chapter, we analyze and reflect on how our cultural identities and educational experiences as international students who pursued a doctoral degree in the United States affected and influenced our teaching philosophy and praxis as professors and educators. In this sense, we examine how our cultural identities and experiences help us define and shape our teaching praxis in the contexts in which we teach. We both are professors of color – Latino and Latino-Japanese – who graduated from doctoral programs in the United States. Currently, we work and serve culturally and linguistically diverse students, including first-generation students, in public higher education settings in Chile and the United States. We used a collection of narratives to delve into the significance of these events in our praxis. As theoretical lenses, we analyze these narratives using cultural identity and the reflecting teacher to examine our practices and identities as educators. We both conclude that our reflections, experiences, and cultural identities have been instrumental in the process of developing a professional identity that guides our teaching praxis in ways that are critical and social justice oriented.

Gareau, Brian J. 2013. From Precaution to Profit: Contemporary Challenges to Environmental Protection in the Montreal Protocol. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

This article investigates Elmer G Beamer’s (1909–2000) activities at the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants (AICPA) during a 30-year period beginning in the 1950s, using a theoretical lens from the sociology of professions literature. Beamer was born in Cincinnati, Ohio, in 1909 and trained as an accountant with Haskins & Sells after graduating from high school. He stayed with the same firm throughout his career and rose to the position of partner. While in public practice, Beamer gave unselfishly of his time to the profession. As a member of the AICPA, Beamer chaired the Committee on the Common Body of Knowledge of CPAs (Certified Public Accountants), Committee on Education and Experience Requirements, and the Ad Hoc Committee on Continuing Education. The goal of the three committees was to establish a common body of knowledge for accountants in public practice. Beamer’s efforts resulted in the 150 credit-hour requirements for CPAs and the mandate for yearly continuing professional education for accountants to maintain an active CPA license in the United States. The article draws on archival material from the Elmer G. Beamer Papers Collection at the University of Florida. The collection contains over 500 items of Beamer’s personal correspondence, committee memorandums, and writings. The article concludes with a discussion of the empirical narrative and Beamer’s role in the larger context of the professionalization of the accounting discipline in the United States.

Narrative identity among people with disabilities in the United States during the Covid-19 pandemic: The interdependent self

In previous chapters, evidence was presented that both the STDA and the China Launch Boycott impose economic costs on the United States without a concomitant strategic benefit. It was concluded that these export control measures should be reformed and/or repealed, primarily because of “circumstances where, because of the availability of close substitute sources of supply, they are seemingly incapable of producing any beneficial consequences.” If the evidence and resulting conclusions in the preceding chapters are accurate, then why has the United States not reformed and/or revoked these mandates? Is this an example of a government failure? In this chapter, the question of reform is examined through the lens of public choice theory. The reason public choice has been selected is that public choice theory, when applied to these specific cases, provides realistic explanations as to the legislative process that resulted in the STDA and China Launch Boycott. It is recognized that public choice theory has limitations and is not the only theoretical lens through which to assess these legislative acts. Limitations to public choice theory include the tautological presumption of individual self-interest, assumptions concerning the level of information possessed by a representative individual, maximization strategies of individuals, and most importantly, the implicit inclusion of a metric of efficiency as the proper standard for which to judge a government action. But these limitations do not undermine the insights that are gained through the application of public choice theory for an explanation of the causality of export control reform failure and for the identification of additional values that should be considered in addition to the economic and strategic metrics discussed in previous chapters. Toward these ends, this chapter provides a basic overview of public choice theory and thereafter applies three particular theories to the case-study of Comsat export controls.