Abstract

We discuss the grammatical conditions that can be imposed between segmental content (features) and syllable structure (positions) and how a representational preference can influence diachronic development. The discussion centers on the co-distribution of two properties: occlusivity and bipositionality. The first is the phonological feature that induces occlusivity and reduces amplitude (that is: |ʔ|, which we will refer to as Edge(*) ), the second is the autosegmental structural property of belonging to multiple positions (which we refer to as ‘C.C’). Edge(*) and bipositionality have a universal affinity but they are not reducible to each other. Instead, the inherent diachronic tendency to preserve Edge(*) in bipositional structures can become grammaticalised through licensing conditions that dictate the alignment of the two properties. This can be expressed bidirectionally, forming two major language types. Type A has the condition stated from the featural perspective ( Edge(*) must be found in C.C). While, Type B comes from the other direction (C.C must contain Edge(*) ). Crucially, the same structure is diachronically stable: ( Edge(*) -C.C). What varies is the distribution of those properties elsewhere (given the direction of licensing condition). Type A excludes Edge(*) from {#__,V_V}, while Type B excludes C.Cs without Edge(*) . Although there is variation on this point, there is a UG component, because there are no anti-Type A/B languages where Edge(*) repels bipositionality.

Highlights

  • IntroductionThis paper is broadly about the grammatical relationship that can be imposed between segmental content (features) and syllable structure (positions)

  • This paper is broadly about the grammatical relationship that can be imposed between segmental content and syllable structure

  • Type B languages share the positive relationship between Edge and bipositionality, but they express the condition from the other direction, from the syllable structure

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Summary

Introduction

This paper is broadly about the grammatical relationship that can be imposed between segmental content (features) and syllable structure (positions). We begin the discussion with a description of Ontena Gadsup, the only known language to violate a universal against underlying oral stops. This fact is a product of an analysis and it is itself reducible to another highly unusual state of affairs: the unified lenition environment of {#__, V__V}. The actual distribution of stopness in Ontena Gadsup is shown to be regulated by the licensing of Edge* in relation to bipositionality. We show that it forms a linguistic type (Type A) that finds expression in the spirantising Berber languages. Such different language types must be able to arise diachronically, and we consider this below, suggesting that with a diachronic reanalysis one could make a Type B into a Type A language

Ontena Gadsup lenition and violation of universals
Problem
Proof of the two step process
Type B
Diachronic consequences
Theoretical consequences
Conclusion

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