The triple gender effect on death penalty prosecutions: Women and men as prosecutors, victims, and defendants in Texas

The purposes of this study were to gather descriptive information on male rape victims and to compare male and female victims in regard to victim and assault characteristics and immediate postrape symptoms. Data were analyzed from 74 male and 1,380 female rape victims seen at a hospital-based rape crisis program over an 8-year period. Male and female victims were similar in terms of age, race, and prior victimization, although characteristics of male and female assaults differed somewhat. Specifically, male victims were more likely to have been raped by more than one assailant and by a Caucasian assailant, and were less likely to have been physically harmed. Male victims also were rated as more depressed and hostile immediately postrape than female victims. Implications for research and practice are discussed.

Injury Patterns and Help-seeking Behavior in Hong Kong Male Intimate Partner Violence Victims

Male and female victims of sexual violence frequently experience secondary victimization in the form of victim blame and other negative reactions by their social surroundings. However, it remains unclear whether these negative reactions differ from each other, and what mechanisms underlie negative reactions toward victims. In one laboratory study (N = 132) and one online study (N = 421), the authors assessed participants' reactions to male and female victims, and whether different (moral) concerns underlay these reactions. The reactions addressed included positive and negative emotions, behavioral and characterological blame, explicit and implicit derogation, and two measures of distancing. It was hypothesized that male victimization would evoke different types of (negative) reactions compared with female victimization, and that normative concerns would predict a greater proportion of the variance of reactions to male victims than female victims. Multivariate analyses of variance (MANOVAs) were conducted to test whether reactions to male and female (non-)victims differed. Multiple regression analyses were conducted to test the influence of gender traditionality, homonegativity, as well as binding and individualizing moral values on participants' reactions. Results revealed that participants consistently reacted more negatively to victims than to nonvictims, and more so to male than to female targets. Binding values were a regular predictor of negative reactions to victims, whereas they predicted positive reactions to nonvictims. The hypothesis that different mechanisms underlie reactions to male versus female victims was not supported. The discussion addresses implications of this research for interventions targeting secondary victimization and for future research investigating social reactions to victims of sexual violence. It also addresses limitations of the current research and considerations of diversity.

Because a substantial proportion of sexual violence, stalking, and intimate partner violence is experienced at a young age, primary prevention of these forms of violence must begin early. Prevention efforts should take into consideration that female sexual violence and stalking victimization is perpetrated predominately by men and that a substantial proportion of male sexual violence and stalking victimization (including rape, unwanted sexual contact, noncontact unwanted sexual experiences, and stalking) also is perpetrated by men. CDC seeks to prevent these forms of violence with strategies that address known risk factors for perpetration and by changing social norms and behaviors by using bystander and other prevention strategies. In addition, primary prevention of intimate partner violence is focused on the promotion of healthy relationship behaviors and other protective factors, with the goal of helping adolescents develop these positive behaviors before their first relationships. The early promotion of healthy relationships while behaviors are still relatively modifiable makes it more likely that young persons can avoid violence in their relationships.

Recently, there has been an increase in referrals of male victims of sexualassault to interdisciplinary sexual assault centers (SACs). Still, there islimited research on the characteristics of men who refer or are referred to SACsand the services they need. To facilitate the medical, forensic, andpsychological treatment in SACs, a better understanding of male victims isindispensable.The first aim of the study was to analyze the victim and assault characteristicsof male victims at a Dutch SAC, and to compare them to those of female victims.The second aim was to analyze and compare SAC service use between male andfemale victims.The victim characteristics, assault characteristics, and service use of 34 malevictims and 633 female victims were collected in a Dutch SAC.T-tests and chi-square tests were used to analyze differencesbetween male and female victims.No differences between males and females in victim or assault characteristicswere found. Most victims received medical and psychological care, with nodifferences between male and female victims. Female victims were more likely tohave contact with the police, but no differences in reporting or forensicmedical examinations between males and females were found.These findings indicate that SACs can and do provide equal services to male andfemale victims, and that the current services are suitable for male victims aswell. However, a focus on educating and advising male victims about policeinvolvement is advisable.

Recent debates surrounding intimate partner violence (IPV) have focused on its gender symmetry and gender-oriented nature. These debates center on findings from various data sources, like victimization or self-reported surveys and police-based reports. Data by Statistics Canada, from 1999 to 2014, has shown that the prevalence of IPV is similar for male and female victims, except for sexual assaults. However, there has been a paucity of studies on the severity and risk factors of IPV against men by female partners. Thus, this paper examines the severity of and risk factors for physical IPV against heterosexual men in Canada using the General Social Survey (Victimization) data of 2014. This study revealed that there is a symmetry in the experiences of physical violence between male and female victims. This study also revealed that male victims experience more severe violence than female victims. Using binary logistic regression analysis, years of dwelling together, the victim’s age, childhood victimization, and marijuana use were found to predict physical IPV against heterosexual men. This paper concludes with suggestions about how these predicting factors can be used to identify male victims and the need for a more inclusive approach toward addressing IPV, which should include male victims.

BackgroundThe health of females is more at risk during disasters. Studies that focus on the comparison of males and time span are few. This article focuses on the health-related quality of life (HRQOL) of female victims in the post-disaster reconstruction in China. We aim to reduce gender health inequalities by comparing and analyzing gender differences in HRQOL. Moreover, we analyze the trends in HRQOL of female victims by using tracking data, and then provide reasonable suggestions to enhance the HRQOL.MethodsThis article explores the HRQOL of women victims in the post-disaster reconstruction from two perspectives: a comparison between males and a time span of six-month intervals. We conducted the first survey, and the double tracking survey in 2013. This study uses data from half a year later sample surveys collected from five counties (Wenchuan, Qingchuan, Mianzhu, Lushan, and Dujiangyan) in Sichuan in 2013 (N = 2000).Results(1) By calculating the Cronbach’s alpha coefficients of the SF-12 scale, we found that that reliability of the scale and the internal consistency are good. (2) Using SF-12 instead of SF-36 to measure the HRQOL of survivors is feasible. (3) The ANOVA and non-parametric testing methods show that significant differences exist between the eight dimensions of HRQOL in different genders after the earthquake. (4) After six months, the HRQOL of female victims in the post-disaster reconstruction has also undergone a significant change. (5) Compared with male victims, we should give more attention to female victims’ HRQOL issues in the post-disaster reconstruction in Sichuan. (6) The performances of victims in the post-disaster reconstruction in PCS and MCS affect each other.ConclusionWe found that in terms of gender, the male and female victims’ HRQOL after the disaster largely varied: (1) In general, significant difference exists between male and female victims in terms of HRQOL. The HRQOL of female victims is poorer than that of male victims. (2) The PCS and MCS of victims affect each other. However, for female victims, the degree of influence of MCS on PCS is larger than that in males. (3) The MCS of female victims is more vulnerable than that of male victims. In terms of time span, the following information was obtained: (1) after six months of rest, victims’ HRQOL significantly improved. (2) At this stage, relative to the MCS, the PCS of females should be given more attention.

Children's responses to bullying are context related; they will vary depending on the specific bullying episode. The aim of the present study was to explore whether children's responses to bullying vary depending on the gender of the bully and victim and the type of bullying portrayed. In total, 437 children aged 9-11 years from four primary schools in the UK took part in the study. Each child read a story about one child bullying another. There were 12 different versions of the story, varying the type of bullying (verbal, physical, or relational/indirect) and the gender of the bully and victim (i.e., male bully-female victim, female bully-male victim, male bully-male victim, female bully-female victim). Each child was randomly allocated to one of the 12 stories. After reading the story the children then responded to a series of questions to assess their perceptions of the victim and bully and situation. Overall females liked the bully more than males; females also reported liking the female victim more than the male victim and females were more likely than males to intervene with a female victim. The bullying was viewed as more serious, more sympathy was shown to the victim, and there was a greater likelihood of intervention when the incident involved a female bully. There was less liking for the bully if the situation involved a female victim of physical bullying. The findings are explained in terms of social identity theory and social norms about typical male and female behavior.

Research on campus sexual assault (CSA) has almost exclusively drawn on self-report data, examined undergraduates (i.e., students aged 18-24), and focused on female victimization. The few studies which included male CSA victims generally had fewer than 100 male subjects, which makes important statistical analyses difficult. To build upon prior literature and expand knowledge on male CSA victimization, we analyzed more than 5,000 incidents of CSA that were reported to police from across the United States using National Incident-Based Reporting System data (NIBRS; 1993-2014). We expanded victim age ranges to include those 17 to 32 years old and investigated more male CSA victimizations than prior work to date, approximately 350 incidents. Comparisons of male victim versus female victim CSA incidents, estimated via multivariate logistic regression, revealed several important patterns. Although both male and female victims were approximately 19 years old on average, perpetrators who assaulted females tended to be 23 years old while those assaulting males were on average 29. While 1% of CSA perpetrators offending against female victims were themselves female, 17% of perpetrators offending against male victims were female. Finally, CSA incidents with male victims were more likely to include multiple offenders, but less likely to involve stranger or Black perpetrators and also less likely to result in injuries relative to CSA incidents with female victims. Implications are discussed in terms of policing practices, and we pose new questions to the field regarding the study and prevention of CSA.

This study examined gender differences in impacts of dating violence (specifically minor and severe physical injury, depression, anxiety, posttraumatic stress disorder [PTSD], problems with alcohol, self-esteem, and relationship satisfaction) using a sample of 305 male and 363 female undergraduate students. Multiple linear regression models were used to test for the effects of dating violence victimization on the eight outcome variables while controlling for the effects of perpetration and psychological victimization. Results indicated that physical violence victimization did not impact problems with alcohol, self-esteem, or relationship satisfaction for either males or females. However, being a victim of minor violence significantly increased the levels of depression, anxiety, and PTSD and being a victim of severe violence significantly increased minor and severe injury. Different gender effects were seen in anxiety and PTSD scores where male victims scored higher than male nonvictims, but female victims did not differ significantly from female nonvictims and in minor and severe injury where both male and female victims scored higher than nonvictims, but the difference between the two groups was greater for men on the severe injury subscale and greater for women on the minor injury subscale. Overall, results of our analyses indicate that both male and female victims of dating violence experience physical and mental health consequences and, on the whole, do not support previous findings that would suggest that female victims suffer a greater impact than male victims do.

To the Editor: Although the long-term effects of sexual abuse of women by men have been studied extensively, there has been minimal research exploring the effects of sexual assault by men on other men. Until recently, very little attention has been paid to male victims of rape and sexual assault in adulthood; even less attention has been paid to male rape in the military. In fact, there are few studies on even the prevalence of sexual assaults of men in the US Army.1 Similar to female rape victims, adult male rape victims rarely turn to the legal, medical, or mental health systems for assistance. Personal stories of male rape mirror female rape in terms of a sense of shame, humiliation, and self-blame, but males are even less likely than females to report an assault. Four male veterans—all victims of male rape—recently presented to a Veterans Affairs (VA) outpatient clinic, providing further insight into this seldom-studied phenomenon. A common theme emerging in treating male rape victims is a lost sense of manliness. Male victims voice their concern in reconciling their masculine identity with their experience of being raped. One patient reported that he never disclosed it to his wife of 30 years; the sense of stigma from the rape was felt as huge and devastating. The veterans treated in this VA outpatient setting all reported a preference for a female psychiatrist and difficulty in discussing rape with a male psychiatrist. It is possible that male rape victims experience more negative counter-transference reactions from male psychiatrists. Male psychiatrists may not be free of homophobic reaction, which further hinders patients from articulating the history of the abuse. None of the 4 victims examined disclosed his rape to any male psychiatrist by whom he was examined. One of the male victims was labeled as “malingering” in spite of 2 severe suicide attempts. The physician became frustrated by the perceived “secretiveness” of the patient and interpreted it as malingering. While patients dread the idea of disclosing the rape to a man and fear how telling would affect them, they also complained that no male psychiatrist had asked them about a possible abuse history. Treatment of rape victims should start with an exploration of our own beliefs about male rape. Training in this specific area is needed for psychiatric residents as well as for military personnel, the police, emergency department staff, nurses, and general practitioners. The research on sexual assault of women may not be appropriate for men who have been sexually assaulted. Applying research findings from female victims to male victims may lead to damaging behaviors that are harmful to male rape survivors following the assault and in the long term. Furthermore, it should be explored further if the gender of the listener has a role in the underreporting of male sexual violence. This can help identify the number of male victims of sexual assault, which may allow planning of appropriate clinical services and counseling strategies that may support recovery.

This study investigated the effect of the victim's gender and the perpetrator's attractiveness on the observer's blame on the male and female victims of coercive sexual contact. Two hundred and ninety-six participants (184 females) were enrolled in an experiment in which the victim's gender and the offender's attractiveness were manipulated using vignettes depicting cross-gender sexual assault. Participants rated emotions that the victims experienced in being assaulted and attributed victim blame. The results indicate that the male victim was blamed more than the female victim, especially when the female perpetrator was described as attractive. The female victim was perceived as having experienced more negative emotions and fewer positive emotions than the male victim. The effect of the victim's gender on victim blaming was mediated by both positive and negative emotions.

Domestic violence is a widespread problem affecting individuals, families, and communities worldwide. Peritraumatic distress is associated with post-traumatic stress disorder and other mental health problems among victims, but research on men's experiences is limited. We analyzed data from 48 physical domestic violence victims (16 males and 32 females) to compare their levels of peritraumatic distress and negative emotions, and to examine the types of aggressors they faced. We used descriptives to summarize sample characteristics and Peritraumatic Distress Inventory scores and used statistical tests such as Mann-Whitney U, Shapiro-Wilk, Levene's test, contingency tables, and chi-square to investigate differences and associations between variables. Female victims of domestic violence had significantly higher scores on the Peritraumatic Distress Inventory than male victims and experienced significantly higher levels of negative emotions than male victims, including impotence/inability to react, sadness, anger/frustration, loss of control, fear, guilt, and shame. Husbands and domestic partners were the most frequent aggressors against female victims, while wives and ex-wives were the most frequent aggressors against male victims. In addition, partners were found to be the most frequent type of aggressor in the sample. Descriptive statistics, box plots, and scatter plots were used to provide a clear picture of the sample characteristics. Female victims of domestic violence reported higher levels of peritraumatic distress and negative emotions compared to men victims. Partners were the most frequent type of aggressor in the sample.

Physical violence in intimate relationships affects men, women, and families worldwide. Although the body of research examining the experiences of male victims of intimate partner violence (IPV) has grown, there have been few attempts to synthesize, compare, and contrast findings regarding the prevalence of male and female victimization. We examined research published in the last 10 years to summarize the current state of knowledge regarding the prevalence of physical IPV victimization in heterosexual relationships. Our specific aims were to (a) describe the prevalence of physical IPV victimization in industrialized, English-speaking nations; and (b) explore study and sample characteristics that affect prevalence. Literature searches undertaken in three databases (PubMed, PsycINFO, and Web of Science) identified 750 articles published between 2000 and 2010. We included 249 articles that reported 543 rates of physical IPV victimization in our review: 158 articles reported 318 rates for women, 6 articles reported 8 rates for men, and 85 articles reported 217 rates for both men and women. Most studies were conducted in the United States (k= 213, 85.5%) and almost half (k= 118, 47.4%) measured IPV using a Conflict Tactics Scale-based approach. Unweighted, pooled prevalence estimates were calculated for female and male victimization overall and by sample type, country, measurement time frame, and measurement approach. Across studies, approximately 1 in 4 women (23.1%) and 1 in 5 men (19.3%) experienced physical violence in an intimate relationship, with an overall pooled prevalence estimate of 22.4%. Analyses revealed considerable variability in rates as a function of methodological issues, indicating the need for standardized measurement of IPV.

This study examines attitudes towards female and male rape victims (ARVS, Ward, 1988) among UK medical students (N = 240; 120 females and 120 males). The study's hypotheses, namely, that male respondents will view rape victims more negatively than female respondents and that male victims will be viewed more negatively than female victims, were supported. Implications of the findings in relation to the inclusion of sexual violence teaching in UK medical undergraduate curricula, and suggestions for further research are discussed.