The State between Expertise and Accountability in France and in Its Empire

Campaign journalism is a distinctive but under-researched form of editorialised news reporting that aims to influence politicians rather than inform voters. In this it diverges from liberal norms of social responsibility, but instead campaigning newspapers make claims to represent the interests or opinions of publics such as their readers or groups affected by the issue. This could be understood as democratically valid in relation to alternative models such as participatory or corporatist democracy. This essay examines journalists' understanding of the identity and views of these publics, and how their professional norms are operationalised in their journalistic practice in relation to five case studies in the Scottish press. The campaigns are analysed in terms of four normative criteria associated with corporatist and participatory democracy: firstly, the extent to which subjective advocacy is combined with objectivity and accuracy; secondly, the extent to which civic society organisations are accorded access; thirdly, whether the disadvantage of resource-poor groups in society is compensated for; and finally, to what extent the mobilisation of public support for the campaigns aims to encourage an active citizenry.

The failures of centralized planning and development governance in Africa have provided the basis for arguments for institutional reforms, decentralisation, democratic participation and the spread of development benefits. This paper explores two interrelated questions with regard to Ghana's ongoing decentralization efforts, namely: (i) whether institutions have been sufficiently reformed to allow for democratic participation of all interest groups in the development process?, and (ii) whether democratic participation, per se, guarantees a decentralized approach to development planning and management and a trend towards socially and spatially equitable development? Based on the lessons drawn from the Sissala District of the Upper West Region of Ghana as a case, the study concludes that institutional reforms that aim at authentic decentralisation may not necessarily result in democratic participation or decentralised development that addresses issues of social and spatial equity. A central recommendation is that government needs to enforce the bottom-up planning process and conscientise local people to participate effectively in the district development process. Ghana Journal of Development Studies Vol. 2(2) 2005: 15-31

Why do activists choose the organizational forms they do? Social movement scholars have tended to focus on activists' instrumental assessments of organizational forms' costs and benefits or on activists' efforts to balance instrumental calculations with a commitment to ideological consistency. Neither explanation is adequate. Organizational forms, like strategies, tactics, and targets, are often appealing for their symbolic associations, and especially, their association with particular social groups. The article fleshes out this dynamic through a case study of the rise and fall of participatory democracy in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Contrary to standard explanations for SNCC activists' repudiation of consensus-based and nonhierarchical decision making in the mid-1960s, I show that participatory democracy was abandoned when it came to be seen as ideological, oriented to personal self-transformation, and—no coincidence—as white. That was not the case earlier on, when participatory democracy was seen as practical, political, and black, and I account for that shift. Once established, however, participatory democracy's social associations shaped subsequent activist generations' view of the form's strengths and liabilities.

Building greenway policies within a participatory democracy framework

Participatory democracy was one of the core tenets of the New Left student movements that emerged in Australia in the 1960s. However, scant attention has been given to the idea within the literature on the New Left. This article examines an experiment in participatory democracy that took place in the Department of Philosophy at Sydney University in the 1970s. Following a series of strikes, the Philosophy department was split in two, with one half, the Department of General Philosophy, operating under a democratic constitution for six years from 1973 to 1979. This case study reveals a great deal about the intellectual history of the student New Left and the centrality of participatory democracy within it.

The concept of Panchayati Raj has undergone several changes ever since its inception five decades back. These changes have come through various means, amendment to the constitution, corresponding changes to the various State Panchayati Raj Acts and through both positive (progressive) and negative (regressive) activities at the grassroots level by the participants themselves.The present study attempts to capture the political dynamics involved in the running of a Gram Panchayat. The first part of the paper focuses on the alliances and counter alliances made by the elected members to get elected to the posts of the Chairperson and the deputy chairperson, contrary to the general research conclusions that caste plays a predominant role in the Panchayati Raj institutions, especially in the village panchayats. This issue gains importance in the state of Karnataka where the top posts in PRIs are held on quota reservation system, (allotment of reservation to SCs/STs and women by rotation to different panchayat constituencies and various executive posts) something similar to the American system of Gerry(Jerry) mandering. The former is politico-social in nature while the latter is politico-geographical. The second part of the paper shows how after having made an alliance, the leadership, in informal terms, the ruling alliance, functions, responding to the demands of the alliance on the one hand and keeping at bay the opposition on the other. This paper is a qualitative analysis and shows how weak leaderships based on opportunistic alliances function and who gains from such a political phenomena. Further more, it shows how the bargaining power of the electorate from ‘the other side’(non-ruling alliance) is reduced to mere requests, and how the ruling alliance gets the developmental work done through their own people and for their own people. Panchayati Raj Institutions, which were supposed to be ‘participatory’ in nature is reduced to mere participation of the ruling alliance and how the people from ‘the other side’ (both elected members and the common villagers) respond to the dynamics. The paper concludes by showing how such political dynamics at the grassroots level weaken the real and original objective of taking governance to the people branding it ‘participatory democracy’ and how the weak leadership plays into the hands of the permanent executive. According to the statistics provided by the Ministry of Rural Development and Panchayati Raj, government of India, there are about 231815 Gram Panchayats with a total number of 2186452 elected representatives. Each gram Panchayat is distinctively different from each other. The present paper attempts to analyse not the comprehensive developmental and political activities of the Gram Panchayat and compare it with other successful panchayats, but to observe how political dynamics within the leadership effects political and developmental activities in the villages and how the grassroots stakeholders respond to such dynamics.Though the 73rd amendment to the Indian Constitution visualized democratizing deliberative bodies at the grassroots level, the p resent study suggests that this ‘democracy’ is actually hijacked by some local leaders through various political/social and cultural means merely to neutralize the influence of the mandatory provisions of reservations in order to suit their political interests and to retain their control over the local polity and resources, without effecting the provisions of reservation.

This paper focuses on the probable transformative effects of the application of the Chinese Social Credit System and similar projects in the realm of public administration on constitutional rights and freedoms, balances in citizen-state relations, and the model of statehood. The starting point of the research is the assumption that the Social Credit System, despite its specifically national Chinese peculiarities, can be seen as a reflection of a broader tendency towards the use of reputational information, techniques of ranking (grading) and risk management in the process of exercising the state power. To test this hypothesis, the author analyzes the actual experience of the Social Credit System’s introduction in the People’s Republic of China, compares this project with e-government projects, and proposes the umbrella-term of “social-credit mechanisms” to describe procedures and means of social control, based on the permanent collection and analysis of reputation data relating to persons. It is argued in this paper that the introduction of social-credit mechanisms to the practice of public administration ultimately leads to the emergence of a gap between formally enshrined rights and the actual ability to exercise them, between the legal capacity of a person and the ability to realise this capacity in certain legal relations. Examining the prospects of introduction of reputation-based social-credit mechanisms to the public administration, the author notices the probability of discrimination against persons who took a false step. As is demonstrated in the paper, the use of reputation data and social ratings by state authorities may result in the gradual differentiation in quality and scope of public services depending on social ratings (grades) of their addressees. This state of affairs may signify the birth of a new caste society and the end of the principle of equality before the law. According to the conclusions made in the paper, projects akin the Chinese Social Credit System reflect the global tendency towards the formation of a new type of constitutionalism. In the framework of this new constitutionalism the main emphasis will be shifted from citizens’ democratic participation in the execution of state power and the citizenry’s political subjectivity to ensure public safety and social stability. The issue of social-credit mechanisms’ introduction to the process of public administration is de facto an issue between the values of freedom and the values of security — the issue of choosing between political subjectivity and guaranteed biological existence.

In the Introduction, we distinguished two frameworks for understanding our case studies: ‘participatory governance’ and ‘participatory democracy’. An initial task of this conclusion is to discuss how far these illuminate differences in the participatory experiments we tracked. The Introduction also identified two research goals. The first was to learn more about the prospects for participation as a democratic option for society and thus contribute to participation as a field of study in its own right. The second was to elaborate the meaning of what is sometimes referred to as ‘real’ participation or participation as meaningful practice. In 1969, Sherry Arnstein in the US produced a conceptual tool with this in mind, the much quoted ‘ladder of participation’ which distinguished between nonparticipation, tokenistic participation and citizen participation (Arnstein, 2007). Arnstein’s argument was about more than the tool, however. The author recognised that the ladder was a deceptively simple approach to ‘powerlessness’ and ‘powerholders’ (Ibid., p. 236). While these categories rightly permeate our studies, we also learn how the governed as well as the governors create their own structures of power. These also impact on how far experiments generate new possibilities.KeywordsCivil SocietyParticipatory ProcessCitizen ParticipationDirect DemocracyRepresentative DemocracyThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Decision-making in community-based, interorganizational collaboration often influences educational, environmental, and other civic policies thereby constituting it as politically and socially consequential. As such, we rethink collaboration through the lens of participative democracy rather than as a neutral organizational structure or process. We sought to understand how participative democracy was hindered and accomplished in an interpretive case study of two community collaborations. Data indicate the normative processes and structures of communication practiced by stakeholders primarily deterred voice and participation by prioritizing information exchange, practicing invisible decision-making, and emphasizing harmonious relationships. These findings: (1) add to theories of interorganizational collaboration by establishing voice as both a discursive and political feature of shared decision-making; (2) provide empirical exemplars that extrapolate political and social implications from specific communication practices; and (3) inform the development of a heuristic to improve collaborative participation and increase political accountability. Flowing from these data, we recommend practitioners utilize the heuristic of VOICE—promoting visibility and ownership of decision-making processes, less emphasis on informing, and purposeful fostering of gracious contestation—ultimately delimiting expressive modes of communication that decrease participative democracy and political accountability.

/ Application of participatory democracy theory to public participation in public land planning, while widely advocated, has not been closely examined. A case study is used here to explicate the application of participatory democracy concepts to public participation in public land planning and decision making. In this case, a Bureau of Land Management resource area manager decided to make a significant shift from the traditional public involvement process to a more participatory method-coordinated resource management (CRM). This case was assessed using document analysis, direct observation of CRM meetings, questionnaires, and interviews of key participants. These sources were used to examine the CRM case using participatory democracy concepts of efficacy, access and representation, continuous participation throughout planning, information exchange and learning, and decision-making authority. The case study suggests that social deliberation in itself does not ensure successful collaboration and that establishing rules of operation and decision making within the group is critical. Furthermore, conflicts between the concept of shared decision-making authority and the public land management agencies' accountability to Congress, the President, and the courts need further consideration.KEY WORDS: Case study; Coordinated resource management; Public participation; Administrative discretion; Representation; Consensus; Collaboration

Ethical challenges that technology poses to the different spheres of society are a core focus within the field of technoethics. Over the last few years, scholars have begun to explore the ethical implications of new digital technologies and social media, particularly in the realms of society and politics. A qualitative case study was conducted on Barack Obama's campaign social networking site, my.barackobama.com, in order to investigate the ways in which the website uses or misuses digital technology to create a healthy participatory democracy. For an analysis of ethical and non-ethical ways to promote participatory democracy online, the study included theoretical perspectives such as the role of the public sphere in a participatory democracy and the effects of political marketing on the public sphere. The case study included a content analysis of the website and interviews with members of groups on the site. The study's results are explored in this chapter.

The field of technoethics explores the ethical challenges that technology poses to the different spheres of society. Recently, scholars have begun to explore the ethical implications of new digital technologies and social media, particularly in the realms of society and politics. A qualitative case study was conducted on Barack Obama's campaign social networking site, mybarackobama.com, in order to investigate the ways in which the website uses or misuses digital technology to create a healthy participatory democracy. For an analysis of ethical and non-ethical ways to promote participatory democracy online, the study included theoretical perspectives such as the role of the public sphere in a participatory democracy and the effects of political marketing on the public sphere. The case study included a content analysis of the website and interviews with members of groups on the site. The study's results can be found further in the article.

The field of technoethics explores the ethical challenges that technology poses to the different spheres of society. Recently, scholars have begun to explore the ethical implications of new digital technologies and social media, particularly in the realms of society and politics. A qualitative case study was conducted on Barack Obama’s campaign social networking site, my.barackobama.com, in order to investigate the ways in which the website uses or misuses digital technology to create a healthy participatory democracy. For an analysis of ethical and non-ethical ways to promote participatory democracy online, the study included theoretical perspectives such as the role of the public sphere in a participatory democracy and the effects of political marketing on the public sphere. The case study included a content analysis of the website and interviews with members of groups on the site. The study’s results can be found further in the article.

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to investigate the influence of electronization in improving the effectiveness of citizens' democratic participation in the context of e‐petitioning. With this aim, the current study worked to ascertain what influences citizens' offline and online petitioning and the extent to which electronization empowers citizens for effective e‐petitioning.Design/methodology/approachThe paper uses a case study from Sutharyakeralam meaning “Transparent Keralam” to determine the extent to which e‐petitioning worked for protecting a public irrigation canal in Kerala (India). Data were obtained through in‐depth interviews with relevant government officials, journalists and petitioners who reside near the canal. Secondary data used for the case analysis consist of petitioners' documents. Using a content analysis, this paper assesses citizens' ability to participate and influence decision making.FindingsFindings illustrate adequate citizen participation before and after the electronization of the grievance redress mechanism. Results also show if there are adequate publicizing facilities, e‐petitions can empower citizens to engage effectively in efforts to fight for their human rights.Research limitations/implicationsThe scope of the study is limited to exploring the determining parameters that may improve democratic participation in an issue of environmental pollution. Results imply that adequate policies to ensure the involvement of participants are essential to enable e‐government initiatives to deliver on the ideals of e‐democracy for equity and justice.Originality/valueEarlier studies on e‐participation were less adequate in explaining the influence of electronization on citizens' capability for effective e‐petitioning. The current study attempts to explore the enablers of effective e‐petitioning. Drawing on the canal case study, arguments are presented that explain the possible success and failure of e‐petitioning initiatives in India.

Megaprojects are increasingly common across countries and attract substantial political attention from a variety of actors. Recent studies have highlighted the need to move from an understanding of megaprojects as linear and rational processes towards a more nuanced approach that accounts for non-linear and conflictual aspects. Participatory governance is often proposed as a valuable resource in this regard. In this paper, we investigate the setting and design of two participatory venues operating in the context of the implementation of the Lyon-Turin high-speed railway megaproject: the Italian Observatory for the Turin-Lyon Railway and the French Public Inquiry. Empirical evidence shows that the Italian case featured substantial structural barriers to effective democratic participation. As for the French case, while better designed and implanted in its context, it featured important agentic limitations that undermined its democratic potential. On the basis of our case study, we therefore argue that both the Observatory for the Turin-Lyon Railway and Public Inquiry failed to promote democratic participation. We thus propose a deliberative approach to (the study of) of megaprojects. Whereas deliberative democratic ideas command growing interest across disciplines, these have found only limited application in the study of megaprojects. We contend that a deliberative democratic approach holds promise to improve the democratic and epistemic qualities of decision making on megaprojects.