The Significance of the Riksdag Elections of 11 September 2022 for the Model of Political Party Rivalry and the Functioning of the Government Coalition

On 19 August 1996, thousands of trade unionists and others stormed the Australian Parliament protesting against the Coalition Government's Work place Relations Bill. In a very visible departure from the years of cooperation and compromise with the previous Federal Labor Government, the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) called on trade unionists and their supporters to demonstrate their opposition to the proposed legislation. This outbreak of anger might be thought to herald a reaction to heightened attacks on the Australian working class, ushered in by the election of the Coalition Government on 2 March 1996, which ended thirteen years of Labor rule under leaders Bob Hawke (1983-1991) and Paul Keating (1991-1996). However, while indicating a renewed activism by a disenchanted and alienated working class, this outburst of anger was not attributable to a sudden shift in the overall direction of government policy. Rather, it was an expression of a profound disenchantment with thirteen years of Australian ‘New Labor’ and a fear of the future under a Coalition Government committed to the sharp edges of the neo-liberal agenda.

This study aims to examine and analyze (1) The government's response and efforts in responding to the health crisis that occurred in Indonesia during the COVID-19 pandemic (2) The direction of government policy in tackling the health crisis during the COVID-19 pandemic and post-COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia. This research is a qualitative descriptive study that describes the conditions and challenges, as well as the factors that influence government policies in overcoming the health crisis that occurred in Indonesia. The writing of this article uses secondary legal materials, namely books, journals, articles, and other written works from print and internet media, as well as phenomena that occur in the field related to the issues raised. The results of the study show that (1) The handling of the COVID-19 pandemic attempted by the government is considered slow in responding to the health crisis; (2) The government's policy direction is focused on the formation of policies related to breaking the chain of the spread of the Corona Virus, but the policies formed have not been able to fully accommodate the state of the health crisis.

Cho, Ji Eun.June, 2010.National blood management system and the direction of government policy in Korea,Article,[Seoul, Korea]The Korean Society of Hematology,3

Coalition governance in South Africa is adjudged as an opportunity for nation-building and social compact, which intends to jettison the apartheid legacy of racial and social separation. Coalition governance in South Africa quintessentially demonstrates a maturing nation-building project whereby political parties embrace a cohesive spirit for democratic governance and citizenship representation. However, the lack of consensus about a developmental posture to drive nation-building in South Africa put different political parties on antithetical dissimulations that undermine effective coalition governance in both national and local governmental spheres. An era of dominant party hegemony is approaching its final demise, which challenges political parties to build workable and collaborative consensus toward leading South Africa out of its current developmental stagnation. The study examines the challenges and opportunities of coalition governance in South Africa. The objective of the paper is to understand how coalition building can be a leverage for Nation building in the context of South African political structure. A qualitative study is undertaken by analyzing strategic and policy documents of political parties and journal articles to examine challenges and opportunities for coalition governance in South Africa. The thematic content analysis examines emerging patterns from primary and secondary documentary sources to generate relevant themes that influence and guide conceptualization, challenges, and opportunities for coalition governance in South Africa. Findings revealed that a major challenge for coalition governance in South Africa is political brinkmanship by political parties who negotiate in bad faith, demanding more concessions than votes garnered from election results, which demonstrates political immaturity. However, a positive aspect of coalition governance might be for parties to formalize binding coalition agreements that can serve as conflict management mechanisms that can compel parties to demonstrate reciprocal accountability during governance.

Coalition governance in South Africa is adjudged as an opportunity for nation-building and social compact, which intends to jettison the apartheid legacy of racial and social separation. Coalition governance in South Africa quintessentially demonstrates a maturing nation-building project whereby political parties embrace a cohesive spirit for democratic governance and citizenship representation. However, the lack of consensus about a developmental posture to drive nation-building in South Africa put different political parties on antithetical dissimulations that undermine effective coalition governance in both national and local governmental spheres. An era of dominant party hegemony is approaching its final demise, which challenges political parties to build workable and collaborative consensus toward leading South Africa out of its current developmental stagnation. The study examines the challenges and opportunities of coalition governance in South Africa. The objective of the paper is to understand how coalition building can be a leverage for Nation building in the context of South African political structure. A qualitative study is undertaken by analyzing strategic and policy documents of political parties and journal articles to examine challenges and opportunities for coalition governance in South Africa. The thematic content analysis examines emerging patterns from primary and secondary documentary sources to generate relevant themes that influence and guide conceptualization, challenges, and opportunities for coalition governance in South Africa. Findings revealed that a major challenge for coalition governance in South Africa is political brinkmanship by political parties who negotiate in bad faith, demanding more concessions than votes garnered from election results, which demonstrates political immaturity. However, a positive aspect of coalition governance might be for parties to formalize binding coalition agreements that can serve as conflict management mechanisms that can compel parties to demonstrate reciprocal accountability during governance.

This study presents empirical evidence to help better comprehend how political parties are using their websites to achieve different objectives. A qualitative approach was used to investigate this phenomenon in a comparative cross-national perspective. Findings from the study indicate that there are many objectives for political party websites, which go beyond communication and information as suggested in the literature and also encompass support and awareness creation. This study represents an attempt to strengthen the theoretical underpinnings of why political parties go online and to ground more thoroughly our understanding of cyber politics through an empirical study.

The decision to establish coalition governments in South Africa is one that lies firmly on political parties. Ultimately the electorate does not have a say in its formation. It is assumed that representative democracy finds expression in the formation of coalitions. The stability of the government will formally depend on the urges of the elected representatives of political parties in a legislative body. It is more likely to depend on political party leaders who, for various reasons, retain considerable control over the conduct of their elected representatives. Coalitions seem to be the solution when political parties in democracies do not win by outright margins and majority governments have to be constituted. Yet, the way in which political parties and politicians practice coalitions in South Africa means coalitions are, at best, a tense alternative. The South African Constitution of 1996 vests legislative and executive authority in the municipal council. As the highest decision-making body, the council must steer the municipality, determine its strategic direction, and take crucial decisions. In coalitions, this requires close cooperation between coalition partners to ensure that the responsibilities of the council are carried out effectively. This chapter argues that, however, in practice, coalition governments have often been unstable and terminated before the end of the council term. Instability in a local coalition can have a severe impact as it may compromise the municipality's ability to adopt policies and by-laws, make senior management appointments, or even adopt a budget. Ultimately, local communities will continue to bear the brunt of unstable coalition politics. The conclusion is that more stable coalitions will therefore contribute to improved service delivery.

The purpose of this study was to determine the strategy and direction of government policies in the development of start-up startups supporting the new normal era of innovative eco-digital products. Through this research, it will be studied how the direction of Government policy in developing startup startups in Indonesia, as well as what government support is in keeping the eco-digital movement of innovative products stable in the new normal era, and what kind of startups can survive during a pandemic and new normal. This research method uses qualitative descriptive and literature studies based on primary data and secondary data from the results of data analysis from pilot business groups, groups of start-up policy makers, community policy users and startup business consumers. The results of the research show that the policy directions that must be the attention of the Indonesian government regarding the development of startups in Indonesia are as follows: Increasing Broadband access; Helping SMEs to switch to the online realm; Expanding the electronic payment system; Expanding access to finance (investment); Extending e-government services; socializing the Job Creation Law, which was recently passed to provide various impacts on the startup business ecosystem; The Creative Economy Agency (Bekraf), currently the government through the Indonesian Creative Economy Agency (Bekraf) is trying to build infrastructure to support the presence of startups in Indonesia. BEKuP (Bekraf for pre startup); In collaboration with MIKTI (IT Creative Industry Society) and Telkom Bekraf will hold intensive workshops for people who intend to build startups in 15 big cities; Making the University as a Startup Startup Incubator; Protecting MSME products from Curent Account Deficits (CAD) problems; Disseminating Government Regulation (PP) Number 74 of 2017; Prepare an electronic-based national trade road map (E-Commerce Road Map), hereinafter referred to as the 2017-2019 SPNBE Road Map; Funding programs, taxation, consumer protection, education and human resources (HR). Also communication infrastructure, logistics, cybersecurity, and the establishment of the SPNBE Roadmap implementing management; The government cuts the final PPh by 0.5% for MSMEs. Also through PMK Number 150, 2018, this digital industry can get income reduction incentives (PPh) or tax holidays; Facilitating creative ideas, innovations, originality ideas, and not end users through Grant activities and competitions in various aspects of local creative endeavors, academic research and technology; Provide liquidity, guarantee LPS Deposit insurance agency to owners of capital; Prepare financing in the technology sector. Prepare a law on the national knowledge and technology system; Evaluating educational curricula with graduate expertise, especially in tertiary and senior secondary education as well as developing research at universities.

This article investigates the relationship between economic conditions and party support for coalition parties in Denmark and the Netherlands. The article argues that the simple reward-punishment model cannot fully account for changes in citizens' support for parties, given variable economic performance. Using aggregate public support data for political parties, the article shows that citizens differentiate between coalition partners depending on the parties' issue priorities. Instead of blaming or rewarding all coalition parties in a uniform fashion, citizens shift support from one coalition party to another, depending on the perceived competence of a party to deal with particular economic problems. The article finds that the structure of responsibility in parliamentary democracies ruled by coalition governments is more complex than is often assumed. Therefore, it is argued that students of economics and public opinion should pay particular attention to the institutional context in which citizens make choices.

Globalisation is quite clearly the biggest environmental problem. Globalisation requires that we start to export things that we've never exported before, and start to import things we've never imported before. For instance exporting our biodiversity, our livestock wealth, products of our coastal ecosystem like shrimp, flowers produced through intensive irrigation in low rainfall zones (so that we're exporting our water). Importing things like toxic wastes …Indian environmental activist, Dr Vandanna Shiva, 1997

This article examines the relationship between electoral support and the economy over the period 2004–2013, paying particular attention to the impact of the economic strategy pursued by the Coalition government in Britain since the 2010 general election. This involves modelling the relationship between voting intentions, perceptions of economic performance and a variety of other variables using survey data collected from 2004. The evidence shows that when Labour was in office, support for the party was strongly influenced by the state of the economy, as was support for the opposition parties. However, since the Coalition came to power, the relationship between the economy and political support has changed, with neither the Conservatives nor the Liberal Democrats gaining from a fairly rapid growth in economic optimism which has taken place since early 2013. The article explains this change in terms of a growing perception among the public that none of the major parties can effectively manage Britain's economic problems. Optimism about the national economy has not significantly percolated down to the level of the individual voter. So individuals may be more optimistic about the future of the national economy but they are still being badly affected by the recession.

Subject Political outlook. Significance Scheduled parliamentary elections take place on November 8. Opinion polls point to a slim victory for the opposition Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), the gap with the ruling Social Democratic Party (SDP) having narrowed. A shift in power does not herald any significant change in either the government's effectiveness or policy direction. Like its predecessor, an HDZ-led administration would be weak and beholden to an angry public's whims. Impacts HDZ's lead in the polling has fallen lately, but politics will turn nationalist whoever wins the election. Croatia is on a journey towards Hungarian-style economic nationalism and a more sceptical approach towards the EU. Support is likely to increase for Bosnian Croat attempts to form a third Bosnian entity, contributing to the steady collapse of BiH.

Electoral Support of Parties in Eastern Siberia: The Macroregional and Regional Aspects

Differences in social attitudes between youthful supporters of different Swedish political parties were studied within a cluster sample of 783 Swedish high school students. Analyses of variance disclosed that, overall, respondents with different political party preferences differed with respect to social attitude dimensions: Political‐Economic Conservatism, Social Inequality, Punitiveness, Militarism, Pro‐western Sentiments, Racism, Xenophobia and Religion in that order. Multivariate, logistic regression analysis disclosed, among other things, that (1) the issue of political‐economic conservatism (i.e. ‘left‐right’) was a highly salient one for all party supporters with the exception of fascists, and (2) with the exception of Political‐Economic Conservatism, different combinations of social attitudes were shown to discriminate any given party from all other parties. The theoretical implications of the findings are discussed.

Notes on Contributors - Introduction - Coalition Theory, Government Policy and Party Policy I.Budge & M.J.Laver - Measuring Policy Distances and Modelling Coalition Formation M.J.Laver & I.Budge - Coalition and Party Policy in Ireland M.J.Laver - Norway: Policy Pursuit and Coalition Avoidance K.Strom & J.Leipart - Sweden: Social Democratic Dominance in One Dimension K.Strom & T.Bergman - Party and Coalition Policy in Denmark T-L.Schou & D.J.Hearl - Coalition Governments in the Federal Republic of Germany: Does Policy Matter? H-D.Klingemann & A.Volkens - Party and Coalition in Luxembourg D.J.Hearl - Policy and Coalition in Belgium D.J.Hearl - The Role of Policy in Dutch Coalition Building, 1946-8 P.Tops & K.Dittrich - Party Policy and Coalition Bargaining in Italy from 1948-87. Is there Order behind the Chaos A.Mastropaolo & M.Slater - Party Policy and Coalition Bargaining in Israel J.Bara - Coaliton Bargaining in the French Fourth Republic, 1946-58 F.Petry - The Relationship between Party and Coalition Policy in Europe: an Empirical Synthesis I.Budge & M.J.Laver - Index